The School of Intentioneering • A. Allen Butcher • Intentioneers.net • Denver, CO • Dec. 23, 2018
The intentional communities movement has been growing since at least the Great Recession of 2008. The last time that there was such growth in alternative lifestyles in America and around the world was the late 1960s through the late ‘70s.
The 1980s saw the “Big Chill” when the Baby Boom generation returned to main-stream culture and the communities movement quieted down. A regrouping began in the 1990s with the reorganizing of the Fellowship for Intentional Community (FIC or Fellowship; see: http://www.IC.org), while other earlier community networking organizations passed their energies to a new generation of organizers. The steady building progressing ever since has provided a foundation for the resurgence begun since 2008.
Today we see not only the Baby Boomers organizing “senior cohousing,” yet the subsequent generations are also jumping into various other forms of intentional community. Youth always embraces alternatives to the dominant culture, which then influences the lifestyle choices of future generations, ever expanding the methods people use for building cultures outside of the mainstream, and for survival within the confines of the dominant culture.
Generations of Intentioneers:
• Baby Boomers: Born 1946–’64, coming of age when cooperatives and communes were resurging;
• Generation X: Born 1965–’76, coming of age when cohousing and ecovillages were beginning;
• Millennials or Gen Y: Born 1977–’95, coming of age with coliving and transition town organizing;
• Gen Z, iGen, or Centennials: Born 1996–TBD, coming of age as cofamilies and class-harmony community is ascending, while authoritarian Catholic monasticism is shrinking and other decentralized religious and spiritual communities are expanding.
With a continually growing number of intentional communities adding to the listings in the Fellowship’s “Directory of Intentional Communities,” the tendency moving into the 2020s is for the clustering of either similar intentional communities, or of various different forms of community, in specific regions or local areas.
The Fellowship provides a map showing where the hundreds of intentional communities listed in its directory are located, and from that one can see that most of those clusters are in and around urban centers, with some rural areas also showing countercultural clusters.
Communitarian clusters are found at: The Big Island, HI; Seattle, WA; Portland, and Eugene, OR; Nevada City, Occidental, Davis, SF Bay Area, Los Angeles, and San Diego, CA; Tucson, AZ; Boulder/Denver, CO; Austin, TX; Black Mountain, NC; Minneapolis/St. Paul, MN; Madison, WI; Chicago, IL; Ann Arbor, MI; Louisa, VA; Washington, D.C.; Amherst, and Boston, MA. New York City should also be in this list because of its many old-wave housing co-ops, yet not many communities appear there in the FIC map.
There are also areas where worker-owned, cooperative businesses are noticeably growing, including: Jackson, MS; Cleveland and Cincinnati, OH; NYC and SF Bay Area; and on some Indian reservations, particularly those of the Sioux.
And there are many other areas with smaller clusters of sometimes similar and sometimes different forms of intentional community, although these are hard to see unless one lives in the area long enough to learn of them.
Often these small community networks form and grow around a single large, successful intentional community. In fact, this model of a single large community inspiring the development of a cluster of satellite communities around it is an ages-old pattern, possibly begun around the time of the Ancient Greek philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras’ community called Homakoeion in what is now Italy in the 6th century B.C. , and later during the rise of Catholic monasticism through the Dark Ages of Europe. A similar pattern of a successful intentional community inspiring others nearby is developing today as we move into a potential 21st Century Dark Age.
While it is not always the case, there is a pattern of youth seeking a different lifestyle than how they grew up. People growing up in the country are often drawn to live in the excitement of the city, while those growing up in the city idealize and romanticize living in the country. Generational oscillations between rural and urban lifestyles are also reflected in oscillations of the generations between mainstream and alternative lifestyles. The primary point being that people, especially youth, need and want options from which to choose how they are to live. What intentional community movements provide is choices, not only for changes of scenery yet also for changes in lifestyle, particularly from that of competitive, wasteful alienation to that of cooperative, sustainable, righteous living.
A particular rural area that I believe has great potential through the future for the development of a cluster of alternative communities is the Ozark Mountains of southern Missouri. In the 1970s the Ozarks experienced an in-migration during the back-to-the-land movement of that era. It was here in Tecumseh Township of Ozark County that a “Walden Two” community was landed in 1974, inspired by the first successful Walden Two community called Twin Oaks in Louisa County Virginia, the two communities sharing the inspiration of Henry David Thoreau’s book “Walden: Life in the Woods” and B. F. Skinner’s utopian novel “Walden Two.” Today, nearly half-a-century later, another back-to-the-land movement is arising and while the existing community clusters are benefiting from it, new clusters may also develop, with the Ozarks being a likely location.
Through the 1980s and ‘90s most of the other back-to-the-land communities of the Ozarks dissolved, while the Walden Two community in Tecumseh named “East Wind” survived and slowly grew, thanks largely to the success of its communal design being transplanted to the Ozarks from its sister community Twin Oaks in Virginia. A few years after its founding East Wind initiated, along with Twin Oaks and a few smaller communities, an association called the Federation of Egalitarian Communities (not to be confused with the Fellowship). After the founding of the Federation the communities dropped the term “Walden Two Communities” in favor of the term “Egalitarian Communities.”
I was twenty when I joined East Wind in 1975. At the time I was hitch-hiking around the country looking for the most promising communitarian society to join. I was thinking that I would go anywhere that I found a group of people developing what I felt was the most likely community to succeed and grow, and at the time East Wind expressed the goal of growing to 750 people. Some 43 years later East Wind is only at about a tenth of that goal, and may never decide to grow over 100 people, yet the idea of a large communitarian project of hundreds of people remains a good idea, and Tecumseh Township, Ozark County, Missouri remains a good place to do it! Just not as one large communal society, instead as a network of a variety of different forms of intentional community, all to be in close proximity.
There are several things that suggest that the Ozarks is a good place to build a close network of intentional, cooperative communities, historically called a “communitarian commonwealth.”
First, however; I think that the term “commonwealth” is a good one to use as it means simply the common wellbeing of a region with no specific economic design implied, although the political design would be “democratic decentralism,” as the Kurdish people in Rojava, Syria call it. Rojava in Syria and Catalonia in Spain are two places where the concept of democratic decentralism is currently being developed.
A diversity of economic designs includes not only communal societies sharing commonly-owned property, yet also various forms of collective communities sharing privately-owned property, like land cooperatives or real estate investment co-ops (REICs). A third form of intentional community is the community land trust in which the land (and maybe some buildings and/or equipment) is owned in common via a nonprofit organization while everything else is private property.
Each local community network or commonwealth may in some way adopt the organizing framework of the “transition town” concept started in England. I think of each of the community clusters listed in the paragraph above as being a “regional commonwealth,” and so the goal is to create the “Tecumseh Commonwealth.”
Tecumseh, Missouri is a good place to build a commonwealth for the same reasons today as it was in the mid 1970s. As then, Tecumseh Township is still very rural and very remote. So remote that there are essentially no or few jobs in the area, so to help assure good public relations with the local people the transplants need to create their own businesses and jobs. East Wind has done very well with that, to where it is the largest “employer” in Ozark County. Of course, in a communal society there are no employees and no bosses, instead all members are worker-owners. This creates considerable respect and good will among the local people since usually the only time they see East Wind members is when we go to town to spend money in their stores. Candidates for county sheriff even visit East Wind since the members tend to vote as a block. (Full disclosure: the author lived eight years as a member of East Wind Community.)
Ozark County is friendly toward intentional community since it has no building codes, and while land is not cheap it is less expensive than most places. There is a good amount of water with creeks and rivers flowing through the rolling hills, with dams and reservoirs creating recreational areas. The Ozarks is largely wooded with a great diversity of wildlife as it borders on several different ecosystems, including Kansas grasslands to the west, deciduous forest to the north and east, Mississippi wet lands to the southeast, Oklahoma desert to the southwest, and the Boston Mountains (up to about 2,500 feet above sea level) to the south in Arkansas.
While the wooded hills provide wood and stone for building, there is very little level ground for agriculture. The most common agricultural commodity in the Ozarks, besides timber is beef. Fortunately, with hemp now legal it can be used to make another building material, hempcrete. The roots of the hemp plant can help stabilize the soil on hillsides, and it often grows well in poor soil.
I can think of two possible drawbacks of living in the Ozarks, besides the lack of jobs. First is that since the entire region is largely wooded, the potential for devastating fires like those recently in California will become more of a problem as climate change advances. Fire breaks and other fire safety precautions, like water systems planned for fire-fighting, are necessities.
Another concern is that the region is largely Republican, although as mentioned above the ability to make money in the Ozarks can ameliorate potential problems coming from that cultural difference to some degree. The Ozarks is part of the Bible Belt, and Christian survivalists and other “preppers,” or those preparing for the 21st Century Dark Age, are also flocking to the Ozarks. So it would be wise to avoid proclaiming the Tecumseh Commonwealth from the roof-tops, and instead to quietly buy land and start building.
An important positive aspect of Ozarks culture is that for at least a century people have relocated to the Ozarks to get away from the dominant culture. For this reason the locals tend to live by the ideal of “leave me alone and I’ll leave you alone.” So in some ways Ozark hillbillies are, although not particularly welcoming, at least tolerant of their neighbors. Therefore, to be accepted it is necessary that new folks take care of themselves, bring ways to make money with them, don’t take jobs from the locals, don’t try to live on welfare, and most of all don’t try to influence the children of the locals. As long as communities create and enjoy their own culture on their own land, and for God sakes clean up before going into town to spend money, the local folks will be mostly friendly.
Since I did my time pioneering a community at East Wind during my 20s, I personally do not feel the need to relive that experience, yet when I have the money I intend to invest it in Tecumseh real estate. There may come a time when I will be able to leave the city, and since East Wind is my home I think of living at least near the community again someday. Pioneering a homestead or a community is a job for young people, and as always, the Ozarks is a good place to do it! There are other ways for older folks like me to help besides chopping wood and carrying water, although I always will need the exercise!
Partnership Spirituality • A. Allen Butcher • Denver, Colorado • December, 2018 • 5,646 words
Feminism in Religion, Economics, and the Family
Among the voices in this time of speaking out against harassment and violence against women, the actor Natalie Portman gave a presentation in October 2018 titled “Step-by-Step Guide to Toppling the Patriarchy,” in which her last step was for Hollywood to create new stories which respect women rather than portray violence against women. (See: youtube.com/watch?v=0qukNm3Bhgg)
A new story for empowering women to a level of equality with men needs to include a chapter which evolves or transforms the dominant religion from patriarchy to gender-equality; as in a religious partnership of women and men. The most powerful and meaningful new story would then be that of the merging of male-oriented transcendent spirituality with the immanence of creation and grace in women’s spirituality. The drama in the story of replacing patriarchal religion is in avoiding a matriarchal religion and instead in balancing masculine and feminine aspects in a Partnership Spirituality.
For most of the world, the dominant, patriarchal religion is the Abrahamic faiths of: Judaism (founded 19th century B.C.), Christianity (1st century A.D.), and Islam (7th century A.D.). “The patriarchy” will not end as long as the patriarchal Abrahamic faiths are not replaced by a Partnership Spirituality. One of the many new stories that need to be told in order to work for equalitarian or egalitarian culture is how the early partnership culture was lost and how it is being reclaimed today.
Among Christians there has long been both academic and theological debates about women and feminism in at least the New Testament of the Bible. The Jewish tradition also has had a long debate about women and feminism, while the Islamic tradition has somewhat less. There is plenty of such debate among Christians to slog through, including many books on the topic such as, “In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins” (1989), in which the author, Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza, talks about an aspect of the Early Christian Church which affirmed not just an equality-of-believers among people of different economic levels in society, yet also people of different genders (presumably whether you believe there are just two genders or more). The author writes of the, “Christian feminist vision of the discipleship of equals,” explaining how that got lost by orthodox Catholicism and how to reconstruct it. An Internet search on “Christian feminism” brings up plenty of material from people affirming that originally Christianity was feminist, and suggesting how to reclaim that lost nature of the dominant religion of the West. (Fiorenza, p. xxiv; see also pp. 143, 147-8, 151)
Religion can be a powerful force in culture for either conservative or for progressive influences, and so it is necessary to understand how it has been used to design the patriarchal culture, and how to utilize this force in order to direct the influence of religion toward the support of equality-of-the-genders, or egalitarianism.
A place to begin is to realize that there are people who have constructed, and who are enjoying today, a culture of economic equality among women and men in the communal societies of the Federation of Egalitarian Communities. One of the ideals of the feminist movement has always been that of valuing domestic labor, including childcare, cleaning, food preparation, healthcare, and more, equal with income-generating and other work typically done by men, and this ideal in particular has been realized in the Federation communities.
The idea of “wages for housework” came up in the first wave of feminist organizing around the time that women won the right to vote in America about a century ago. Yet what developed instead since then has been the turning of everything that people used to do for themselves in the home into commodities or services for purchase, essentially monetizing domestic work, which is one of the reasons women today have to work for income as well as work in the home, while many men have begun doing the same. While it is essential that men share the domestic workload, which does move us a step toward feminist, egalitarian culture, merely sharing the domestic labor burden does not result in valuing the two types of work equally. Child care is among the lowest paid occupations for those who work in it, while being one of the biggest expenses for those who must pay for it.
The contribution of the member communities of the Federation of Egalitarian Communities in creating feminist culture is in devising processes that effectively value domestic labor equally with all other forms of work by doing away with money altogether, in fact using no exchange system at all, not even labor-exchange within the community. Instead, the economic process used is labor-sharing, which is a form of time-based economics. While time-based economics includes labor-exchanging, there are two other forms as well: labor-gifting which is essentially volunteering time as in “giving back” or “paying it forward;” and labor-sharing which is a common commitment to contributing one’s own time to functions which mutually support all the members, including oneself. It is labor-sharing in Federation communities like Twin Oaks in Virginia (founded 1967) and East Wind in Missouri (landed 1974) through a vacation-credit labor system that has enabled these communal societies to enjoy an egalitarian, feminist, non-monetary, time-based economy, in which all labor that benefits the community is valued equally. (Full disclosure: the author lived twelve years in these two Federation communities.)
The importance of knowing this story about gender-equality in communal society is the evidence shown that the ideal is attainable; egalitarian culture does exist, and anyone can learn about and enjoy it! The problem, of course, is that most people do not want to live in communal society.
Frequently, young adults who individually join a Federation community will form a relationship, then leave to have children in the dominant culture rather than in the community where they met. I once did a survey of former members of East Wind Community, asking them why they joined and why they left, and the answers were most often that people joined for idealistic reasons, like to enjoy an ecological, feminist, sharing lifestyle, and left for practical reasons, like to go back to school, to pursue a career not available in the community, and especially to have children.
Children-in-communal-society is a major issue among both religious and secular groups. The systems for communal childcare in the Federation communities have changed over time, from where during about the first quarter-century of the movement the communities, rather than the parents, made all decisions regarding the children through their childcare programs. However, the Federation communities found two major problems with communal childcare in large communities.
First, the turn-over rate of members, both parents and non-parent care-givers, meant that issues like immunizations, discipline, diet, etc., that had been settled earlier invariably have to be re-debated as new parents come into the program, requiring ongoing meetings to continually reset or redesign a consensus. Second, the fact that many or most parents leave with their children before they reach school age results in reluctance on the part of some members of the communal group to fund birthing and childcare. In response to these and other issues, the Federation communities since the early or mid-1990s now empower parents in creating support systems for their children with the help of other individual members, rather than the community itself organizing childcare for the parents, which I think of as “cofamilies” formed around each child and nested within the larger communal society.
The Cofamily in Egalitarian, Feminist Culture
The term “cofamily” is intended to add to the common list of types of families. The existing list includes: single-parent family, nuclear family, extended family, and blended families. While this list involves only people who are related biologically or through marriage, there is another form of family which needs to be acknowledged and added, which is groups of three-to-nine, usually unrelated and unmarried adults, supporting each other and their children. A cofamily is a form of small intentional community, with the prefix “co” in this case representing any number of terms including: cooperative, collective, communal, complicated, convoluted, or any similar term other than “consanguine family.” The term “cofamily” can refer to either a small group by itself, or to a small group within a larger intentional community, whether communal, collective, cohousing, land trust, ecovillage, or other.
The classic problem of children and families in communal society is best explained by a quote from the Catholic Worker movement. In his book, “Breaking Bread: The Catholic Worker and the Origin of Catholic Radicalism in America” (1982), Mel Piehl quotes a Catholic Worker community resident named Stanley Vishnewski who clearly explains the dynamic.
“Single persons under the influence of a powerful religious motive can live happily in a communal society where everything is shared in common. … But we soon learned that marriage and our attempts at communal living were incompatible, for no matter how devoted to the work, the moment they married their relationship gradually and imperceptibly and then frankly and strongly veered away from the community to take care of their own. … This fact, that the family seeks its own because it is a natural community, is the fundamental reason why a complete plan of communal living was bound to fail.” (Stanley Vishnewski, quoted in Piehl pp. 128-9, found in Brian Berry, “America’s Utopian Experiments,” p. 204)
Although the Catholic Worker movement is now growing rapidly, it is mostly creating small communities or cofamilies of under ten adult members each, which can manage communal childcare for a few children at a time. When a Catholic Worker community grows to ten adults or more it will likely experience the problem with communal childcare that Stanley Vishnewski explained.
All large communal societies have had to deal with the communal childcare problem. Monasteries often simply refuse any children, while the Christian Hutterites gave up their communal children’s houses for family-based early childcare while maintaining socialization methods for keeping their children in their communities (Huntington, pp. 38-40, 42), and most of the Israeli kibbutzim went on down the slippery slope of privatization of their communal economies after giving up their children’s houses in favor of cohousing-like family apartments on government-owned land trusts. (Isralowitz, pp. 5-6; Lieblich, pp. 64-5; Near, p. 734)
East Wind Community’s communal childcare program lasted 10 years, Twin Oaks’ 20 years, kibbutzim 80 years, although today there are new urban kibbutzim practicing communal childcare, and the Hutterites’ communal childcare lasted 300 years although it was on and off a couple times in their history. For the group of first Christians in the Book of Acts their communalism only lasted around 20 years. Trevor Saxby suggests in his book, “Pilgrims of a Common Life,” that the reasons for this loss of communalism in the Early Christian Church may have been due to persecution, famine, and the failure of members to work for income to support the community, although the failure of communal childcare could have been another reason. (Saxby, pp. 21, 52, 59-60)
The stories are different, yet the lesson is the same. This is why communities which share privately-owned property as opposed to sharing commonly-owned property, like cohousing, usually advertise for people with children while communal societies usually do not. This is also much of the reason why collective, rather than communal, community designs like cohousing and Catholic Worker communities are the fastest-growing community movements. The confusing thing is that many communities may function communally while the property is owned by an individual, which is a form of intentional community which I have named “class-harmony community,” some of which are Catholic Worker.
While it is amazing that the egalitarian communities have existed for over fifty years, with their solution to the communal childcare problem being to limit the number of children they will support while providing for “nested cofamilies,” it is their turn-over rate of membership that keeps the movement to a slow growth-rate. After half a century there are fewer than 250 adult members of egalitarian, communal Federation communities while a few thousand people have been members, with the largest community, Twin Oaks, being about 100 adults. Twin Oaks Community appears to have adopted a decentralized model of about one-hundred adults per community while similar communities are founded around it, with a current maximum of one child for every five adults, which is slightly below the ratio of children-to-adults in the dominant culture of the “Outside World.” Understanding the membership turn-over rate, plus the fact that most all of the children born into these communities either leave with their parents by the time they reach school age or leave on their own once they become adults, suggests that this method of creating feminist culture is limited in application to the dominant culture.
The value of communal, egalitarian culture is in showing the extent of the concept, or how the ideal of gender equality can be fully realized in the real world. While we now know how to create a culture that values all labor equally, by using forms of time-based economics, especially what I call the, “vacation-credit labor system,” we have to recognize that even after experiencing it most people simply do not want to live in communal culture, even though many idealize communalism. While many people talk anti-capitalism, most people abandon communalism once they experience it to return to capitalist culture, usually valuing their communal experience yet refusing to live it again once they acquire property and family. Theoretically, it is possible that a communal economy could work on a scale large enough that most people could satisfy their personal needs and wants, while the current strategy for getting there is the decentralized network of separate communal groups of up to a hundred adults each in close proximity.
What communal culture shows us is that while the problems of capitalist monetary economics inspires people to step outside of the dominant, competitive culture to create communalism, the experience of living communally inspires people to want to return to capitalist competition, if only to see how well they can play the game!
Ironically, both capitalism and communalism give rise to the other, as each engenders its own opposite. Besides in communal society, we can also see this dynamic in various festivals, like the Gatherings of the Rainbow Family of Living Light and in Burning Man and related events. While the people who attend such gatherings are committed to community and cooperation in their gifting cultures, there remains a strong tendency among attendees of Gatherings in national forests to spread a ground-cloth and offer items displayed upon it for trade in a sprawling “Barter Lane.” The resulting scene is of the ages-old, bustling, colorful, market ambiance that attracts many people to what I call, “wilderness training experiences in basic market economics,” practicing through barter transactions the market functions of: buy-low-sell-high, inflation in the cost of the most desired commodities of chocolate and tobacco, market deflation when someone brings a large bag of chocolate bars and hands them out, comparative advantage, rational self-interest, and other market dynamics all for fun and profit, enjoyed particularly among teenagers and younger children. While the Burning Man administration actively disrupts such Barter Circles, the much more anarchistic Rainbow Gatherings have been unsuccessful in preventing barter in our otherwise non-commercial events.
Communal groups even end up using the monetary system for trading commodities among themselves. For example, East Wind Community makes peanut butter as a business while Sandhill Community makes sorghum sweetener and honey for their businesses, the two being about 300 miles apart in Missouri. For internal consumption both communities wanted the other’s commodities. They tried bartering the commodities, yet problems resulted in how to value the different items, whether by weight or labor involved, or some other method. Then too there was the problem that barter transactions are taxable, and so the communities had to value their products in dollars for sales tax reporting. And further, having a separate ledger for barter complicated the computations of productivity, dollar-per-hour of industry labor, and annual income tax reporting. The communities simply found it to be easier to sell their commodities to each other rather than barter them. Here again we see why monetary economics exists, and the difficulty for even communal societies to do without at least an alternative or local currency, which is an exchange system rather than a gifting or sharing system.
One important and valuable function of time-based economics beyond the individual community is labor-exchange between communities. As long as labor is not given a dollar value, either within or between communities, it is not considered to be a commercial exchange, and therefore is ruled non-taxable by the IRS and other government agencies. By assuring that the community’s income is below the taxable level per person, a communal society can then be tax-free. Because the communities share so much internally it has been proven to be possible to live a lower-middle-class lifestyle on poverty-level income. Further, a time-based, communal economy avoids not just income taxes yet also, when incorporated as what the IRS calls a “religious and apostolic association” using section 501(d) of the tax code, communal groups are free of social security and unemployment taxes. From all of this I developed the acronym: LIVE FREE! Which stands for: Labor Is Valued Equally • For Realizing Economic Equality!
Evidently, despite the economic freedom and feminist culture of egalitarian communalism, people have an innate desire for private property in family groups, for the excitement of meeting and trading in markets, and for efficient exchange mechanisms between communal groups. While people want to know that alternative cultures exist outside of monetary economics, few people, including those who experience it, choose to make it a lifelong commitment.
The issues around children in communal-sharing societies, barter in festival-gifting experiences, and trade among communal societies serve to explain both why capitalism exists and why communalism can never become the dominant culture. The greatest value, then, of successful communal societies like those in the Federation of Egalitarian Communities, is in the model these communities present of egalitarian culture. The experience of these communal societies shows us the practical extent of the application of feminist, egalitarian culture as practiced in some communal societies in economics, governance, and the social design considerations of children and family. The next step, therefore, is to apply feminist, egalitarian culture to religion.
Partnership Spirituality in Unitarian Universalism
“Any vital social program is possible only if it is the expression of a religion which calls on the whole loyalty of [women and] men … The more adequate the interpretation of life which is provided by a political or economic philosophy, the better foundation does it constitute for a social and economic program … [and that interpretation needs] a religious motive to vitalize the program.” Arthur Morgan wrote this view of the importance of religion in his study of utopian theory, fiction, and practice, published in his 1944 book titled, “Edward Bellamy: A Biography of the Author of ‘Looking Backward’.” (Morgan, 1944, pp. 302-3)
In the above quote Arthur Morgan presents the case for making our religion consistent with our cultural intentions. I extrapolate from this to say that if we want an egalitarian, feminist culture on any large scale, then we need a religion which respects those values: which I am calling a “Partnership Spirituality.”
In considering where to start in the creation of a Partnership Spirituality it is helpful to consider who is already doing something similar, and the largest such group is the Unitarian Universalists. Arthur Morgan served a time as the vice-president of the American Unitarian Association (from the back cover of “Edward Bellamy”), before it merged with Universalism in 1960, both originally being Christian denominations.
Arthur Morgan and family founded Community Service, Inc. in 1940 (now Community Solutions), and The Vale community in 1946, both in Yellow Springs, Ohio, and sponsored the founding of the Fellowship of Intentional Communities in 1948-9, which changed its name in 1986 to the Fellowship for Intentional Community. (Morgan, 1942, p. 9)
Unitarians and Universalists inspired and supported several intentional communities in America during at least the 19th and 20th centuries. The founder of the famous Brook Farm community outside of Boston, Massachusetts, George Ripley, was a Unitarian minister in Boston. Ripley contributed to transcendental thought, hosting the first meeting of the Transcendental Club in his home in 1836, which later became the organizational theory of Brook Farm (1841-47). Robert Fogarty called Brook Farm, “By far the most well-known of all the ‘utopian’ societies.” (Fogarty, pp. 99, 183; Oved, pp. 142-3)
A member of Brook Farm, John Orvis, became a leader in the Universalist minister John Murray Spear’s Harmonia community (1853-63) in southern New York, close to the Pennsylvania border. In 1858 they sponsored a convention with the theme “Feminine Equality.” (Fogarty, pp.107-8, 197)
The Altruria community in Fountain Grove, California lasted only one year (1894-5). Its founder, Edward Biron Payne, was a Unitarian minister who preached a social gospel, eventually becoming a Christian Socialist advocating gradual change, interdependence, and mutual obligation. Although Altruria attracted many competent people who started several different income projects, the group failed to focus upon any one to scale it up to sufficiently support the community. (Fogarty, p. 127; Hine, pp. 102-4)
In the 20th century three intentional communities in central Virginia were associated with the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Church Unitarian Universalist in Charlottesville, Virginia: Twin Oaks (1967-present), Springtree (1971-to present), and Shannon Farm (1972 -to present). Springtree and Shannon both started after their founders attended a summer Communities Conference at Twin Oaks Community. Early on, Twin Oaks had its own UU Fellowship, which carried on exchanges with the UU Church in Charlottesville, members of which helped Twin Oaks build a UU meeting hall with labor and money donations, called the Ta’chai Living Room. Over the decades various Twin Oaks members have attended UU services and other events in Charlottesville and at various UU churches in the Washington D.C. area.
Notice in the timeline above of intentional communities and organizations that the Unitarian Universalist influence is an important part of the foundation of much of the movement, culminating now in the Fellowship for Intentional Community which publishes “Communities” magazine, the “Communities Directory” and other books, and sponsors conferences, trainings, consultations, a loan fund, a website, and other movement services. There are as well many other religious and spiritual organizations comprising the foundation of the communities movement, with the Quakers having the longest association with communitarianism, yet the point is that while religious sentiments often give rise to people wanting to live by their religious precepts, which results in the founding of utopian societies, all of that already exists with regard to egalitarian, feminist culture. Effectively, Partnership Spirituality works in the opposite direction, with the creation of egalitarian culture having been completed first and its religious expression following.
Unitarian Universalism is likely to be friendly toward the idea of developing a Partnership Spirituality movement since it has already an earth-based, women’s spirituality affirmation in its independent affiliate called the “Covenant of UU Pagans” or CUUPS. The origin of this affiliation is said to be in 1977 when the UU Association passed at its General Assembly a “Women and Religion Resolution.” In 1988 the UUA General Assembly granted CUUPS an affiliate status, “honoring goddess-based, earth-centered, tribal and pagan spiritual paths.” CUUPS provides a theological orientation and a liturgical tradition (i.e., the rites of public worship) which is consistent with the idea of combining the spiritual traditions of transcendence and immanence, Goddess and God, male and female. (See: cuups.org)
Merging an egalitarian expression of Christianity with women’s spirituality in a form which could be affirmed as being not so much polytheistic as it would be a binarian monotheism would involve extensive dialogue and deliberation, and so Unitarian Universalists would be the perfect group to carry on the idea of a Partnership Spirituality.
In the same way that Trinitarian Christianity (i.e.: Father, Son, Holy Spirit) is considered to be monotheist, so also may a Binarian Partnership Spirituality of male and female (or any other genders) be considered monotheist when affirmed as one entity. That is, we say it is so, then for us, so it is! Such is the malleable nature of spiritual and religious beliefs.
It would be well that Twin Oaks Community and other groups utilizing the 501(d) tax status consider taking one of its primary organizational tenants, which is feminist egalitarianism, to an affirmation of a religious belief, because having a spiritual or religious orientation is a requirement of that favorable tax status. We know that the IRS and conservative government in general has a bias against communalism, and any time these conservative forces desire to do so they can challenge again Twin Oaks’ claim to meet the requirements of the 501(d) Religious and Apostolic Association, as they did in the late 1970s.
While Twin Oaks had been filing its taxes for many years under the 501(d) subsection of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) tax code they did not formally request the status. When the IRS discovered what Twin Oaks was doing in 1977 they said that they were not exempt and had to pay a quarter-million dollars in back taxes. Because Twin Oaks does not have a vow-of-poverty like churches and monasteries filing under the tax-exempt 501(c)(3) status, the IRS made the spurious statement that in 1936 when the U.S. Congress created the 501(d) status they intended to include a vow-of-poverty requirement like that of the 501(c)(3) churches and monasteries. To challenge this contrived argument Twin Oaks appealed the problematic IRS ruling in Tax Court and won the case! (Twin Oaks Community, Inc., versus Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 87th Tax Court, No. 71, Docket No. 26160-82, Filed 12-3-86)
Given that such a spurious legal challenge happened once, it could happen again to any Federation or other community using the 501(d) tax status, and the obvious charge next time could be that the community is not actually a religious organization, instead it is secular. The United States Post Office made such an adverse determination against East Wind in 1979 when the community applied for the non-profit bulk rate mailing permit. The USPO St. Louis Office denied East Wind’s request saying, “The bylaws submitted by the East Wind Community makes no mention of any religious worship or religious activities.” (Postmaster, USPO Mail Classification Center, St. Louis, MO, January 4, 1979 to the Postmaster, Tecumseh, MO 65760)
In another case, East Wind Community was attempting to set up an “Earned Leaving Fund” (ELF) to enable members to leave the community by letting them work in the community businesses to earn personal funds for resettlement costs in the outside world. This is clearly contrary to 501(d) requirements, so the community retained a legal firm, which responded saying that the ELF be “treated as an outside employee both for accounting and tax purposes. One way to do this would be to set up a separate bank account … into which the Earned Leaving Fund is deposited as earned.” (Collins Denny, III, letter of 9-4-87, Mays & Valentine, Richmond, Virginia)
I have since suggested that this separate bank account plan could and perhaps should be used by especially new communal groups that have a significant amount of income from outside jobs as opposed to community businesses. While the community business income is exempt under 501(d), outside job income is not. Therefore, having two separate community bank accounts, one exempt for community-business income and the other non-exempt for outside-work income with the two taxed differently, would likely facilitate a new community’s application for 501(d) status, yet that is a another issue.
What is relevant to this article in the Collins Denny letter is his concluding comments that, “I believe that the Internal Revenue Service still maintains an internal bias against 501(d) organizations which do not have a vow of poverty. In saying this, however, I must point out that I have not made any inquiries or seen any IRS publications which support my feelings that a bias exists.” (Collins Denny, III, letter of 9-4-87, Mays & Valentine, Richmond, Virginia)
There may come a time when Federation communities will want or need to dust off their statements of religious belief which they have filed with the IRS and make witness of their lifestyle as justification for their claim that they are indeed religious organizations. Both East Wind and Twin Oaks include in their statements of religious belief the quote from the Book of Acts in the Bible about all believers holding property in common, along with various ideals about sharing and oneness. Yet the most prominent aspect of their existence and structure is egalitarianism, and so adding the equality of women and men as another aspect of their stated religious beliefs could make Partnership Spirituality a saving grace for them.
A New Age Partnership Documentary
As we have already in existence examples of the furthest expression of egalitarian lifestyle and culture, affirming and building a religious or spiritual expression of egalitarianism builds upon the ideals and experience of women and men in partnership, as means of effecting what Natalie Portman and many others have stated needs to be done of “toppling the patriarchy.”
Do not underestimate the significance of the cultural change from patriarchy to partnership. This is a “New Age” level of transformation of our culture through which we many anticipate many rippling affects. Consider that around the year 2027 will be the 2,000th anniversary of the beginning of Jesus of Nazareth’s ministry, which became Christianity. (Jesus’ birth date is contested, yet in our Gregorian calendar is considered to have been December 25, 4 B.C. not 0 A.D. and he began his ministry at age 30, so 2,000 years later is about 2027. Another reason for emphasizing this date is that 2027 will be the 200th anniversary of the first printing of the term “socialist,” in the “London Cooperative Magazine” in 1827, eventually giving rise to the community movement of “Christian socialism.”
Now is a good time to assess the heritage of this patriarchal era, and to begin to affirm the new era of partnership. A very good ally in that assessment and projection is the Center for Partnership Studies created in 1987 by the author Riane Eisler. The CPS website states that it serves as a, “catalyst for cultural, economic, and personal transformation–from domination to partnership, from control to care, from power-over to empowerment. CPS’s programs provide new knowledge, insights, interventions, and practical tools for this urgently needed shift.” (See: centerforpartnership.org)
“The identification of the partnership model and the domination model as two underlying social configurations requires a new analytical approach that includes social features that are currently ignored or marginalized, such as the social construction of human/nature connections, parent/child relations, gender roles and relations, and the way we assess the value of the work of caring for people and nature.” (Wikipedia.org, Riane Eisler, Partnership and Domination Models)
Riane Eisler’s Partnership Center would likely be an excellent resource for Unitarian Universalists and others in the creation of new stories of partnership culture and spirituality. A New Age of Partnership, however will require more, it will need a new Bible, and for that I have written an alternative history of gifting and sharing societies through the ages, focusing upon tribal and communitarian cultures, with an emphasis upon women’s stories in them. This work is currently only available in digital format at Amazon.com titled “The Intentioneer’s Bible: Interwoven Stories on the Parallel Cultures of Plenty and Scarcity.” Much of the material in this article is also in that book.
Having a good start on a history of gifting and sharing cultures, as opposed to the taking and exchanging of the dominant culture, another potential resource would be a video documentary of the history portrayed in “The Intentioneer’s Bible.” And who better for such a project than the Public Broadcasting System (PBS) documentarian Ken Burns!
Perhaps PBS is not exactly a Hollywood-level story-teller, yet the difference in emphasis and orientation likely makes PBS more appropriate for telling the story of egalitarianism through the ages, toward a transition of our civilization from patriarchy to partnership.
Berry, Brian. (1992) America’s utopian experiments: Communal havens from long-wave crises. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England.
Fiorenza, Elisabeth Schussler. (1989). In memory of her: A feminist theological reconstruction of Christian origins. New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company.
Fogarty, Robert. (1980). Dictionary of American communal and utopian history. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Hine, Robert. (1953). California’s utopian colonies. New York: Norton & Company.
Huntington, Gertrude Enders. (1981). Children of the Hutterites. Natural History. Feb., vol. 90, no. 2.
Isralowitz, Richard. (1987, February). The influence of child sleeping arrangements on selected aspects of kibbutz life. Kibbutz Studies, no. 22. http://www.communa.org.il.
Lieblich, Amia. (2002). Women and the changing Israeli Kibbutz: A preliminary three-stage theory. Journal of Israeli history. Vol 21: 1, 63-84. (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040212331295862)
Morgan, Arthur. (1942). The small community: Foundation of democratic life. Yellow Sprigs, OH: Community Service, Inc.
Morgan, Arthur. (1944). Edward Bellamy: A biography of the author of “Looking backward.” New York: Columbia University Press.
Near, Henry. (2003). Intentional communities in Israel-history. In Karen Christensen and David Levinson (Eds.), The encyclopedia of community: From the village to the virtual world: Vol. 2. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Oved, Yaacov. (1988). Two Hundred Years of American Communes. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Inc.
Piehl, Mel. (1982). Breaking bread: The Catholic Worker and the origin of Catholic radicalism in America. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Quoted in Berry, Brian J. L. (1992). America’s utopian experiments: Communal havens from long-wave crises. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England.
Saxby, Trevor. (1987). Pilgrims of a common life: Christian community of goods through the centuries. Scottdale, PA: Hearld Press.
Partnership Spirituality • A. Allen Butcher • Revised December 20, 2018 • Denver, Colorado
My family had been attending a Congregationalist Church in NE Ohio for a couple years. I liked this church because Congregationalists comprise a liberal denomination where the members make all church decisions by voting, with no or little denominational hierarchy.
My family would assume the same seating arrangement in the same row of the pews every Sunday, with my father at the aisle-end of the pew, then my mother, my older sister, and then myself, the youngest. Yet of course my sister and I would invariably start fighting during the sermon, so my parents soon changed our seating arrangement so that I took the aisle seat, then our parents, then my sister on the inside, furthest from me. I liked that arrangement better.
Our minister taught religion in a local liberal arts college, and I tried to follow his sermons, yet most of the time I just could not understand what this guy was saying. His name was Royce Grunler, professor of religion at Hiram College around 1970. I would focus on the sentence he just said to try to figure it out, yet he would then go on to something else and I would forget what he said a second ago. It was hopeless.
I would look at the studious expression on my father’s face and wonder whether he understood any better than I did what this college professor was preaching. As a high school freshman I already had more education than my father ever had, so I figured there was not much help there. This is where, like in school, I got the habit of staring at the instructor with a blank expression while my mind wandered around the room and the universe. What else could I do?
I decided that to pass the time I would read my copy of the Bible that I took with me to church each week. No one would criticize me for reading the Bible in church, right?
So I started from the beginning of Genesis, and it was all stuff I had heard about in Sunday School before the main sermon each week, until I got to Genesis 6:4. Wait a minute, I thought, no one ever told us this story before.
“There were giants in the earth in those days;” I read. “and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bore children to them, the same became mighty men which were of old, men of renown.” (Genesis 6:4)
What was that? What the heck is Moses, the supposed author of Genesis, saying in this passage? I could not make sense of it, so like everyone else, I guess, I skipped over this passage and kept going until I just could not slog through reading any more of the Bible. I tried, I really did. Yet I was soon back to staring blankly at any talking head trying to get and keep my attention.
For many decades after that I didn’t think much about those giants in the Bible. Yet I never really forgot about them. Somehow, that speed bump in Genesis remained in my brain, until decades later, nearly half a century after I first read that passage, it finally dawned on me what was going on!
I realize now that the story is that, while the Hebrew tribe was wandering around the Sinai Desert for 40 years they happen to come upon fossilized bones of dinosaurs partially obscured by earth where they had been buried for eons in the ground or hillsides or wherever! It came to me as a flash of realization that this is what the Bible means where it says, “giants in the earth!”
Think about it! The year is sometime after 1,290 B.C. (different people give different dates) and you and your starving and increasingly demoralized tribe come upon these huge fossilized bones, some of which look like gigantic human leg or rib bones, and you, being Moses or some Levite priest, are being besieged by your tribe-mates saying that YOU have to explain what the heck these things are! What are you going to say?!
You don’t know anything more than anyone else in your tribe about paleobiology and fossilized dinosaur bones. You can pray for enlightenment, yet in the end as always you just have to make something up!
Of course those gigantic bones had to be from human-like male giants, right? There could not be giant animals or, God forbid, giant humanoid females! So they must have had something to do with our past, and maybe we can get away with using these crazy-huge, bone-looking, rock-like things to explain where our mythical larger-than-life cultural heroes must have come from!
Never mind trying to explain how those giants “came in unto the daughters of men,” it just happened that way, and of course since orthodox Jews and Christians believe that the Bible is inerrant, whatever is its meaning they believe it must be true. That becomes one small passage in the Torah, later to be called the “Old Testament.”
And that is how you write a Bible! You just make stuff up!
If you are smart about it you claim that your writing was actually the words of someone famous, like Moses, which is called “pseudepigraphal” writing. Some scholars think that the character Moses himself was actually a mythical Hebrew law-giver. “Pseudonymous” literally means “falsely named.” See Bart Ehrman’s book, “Forged: Writing in the Name of God—Why the Bible’s Authors Are Not Who We Think They Are” (especially pages 23-25).
For example, the fifth book of Moses called “Deuteronomy” was not written in the time of Moses, sometime in the century after 1300 B.C. In his book “Who Wrote the Bible?”(pages 101-2, 147) Richard Friedman says that Deuteronomy (the name being derived from the Hebrew term for “words” referring to Moses’ words) was actually written much later in the 5th century B.C., by a scribe named Baruch son of Neriyah, probably assembling material from many different sources, which is common for writings attributed to historical and mythical law-givers and philosophers.
For another example, King Solomon, who supposedly wrote the Old Testament Book of Ecclesiastes, which some people say means “speaker” or “preacher” in Greek, may not have gotten the wisdom written in the book directly from God, instead from other much more ancient cultures by way of his 1,000 wives and concubines, many of them given to him as tribute from folks such as the Egyptians and Phoenicians.
Some 1,200 years after the time of Moses the now fat and happy Jews of Israel are occupied by the greatest imperial power the Mediterranean region had ever seen. Unrest against those guys occupying your capital and temple is growing, and you need a savior! Now here comes this counter-intuitive movement of peace, love, and liberation from groups such as the Nazarenes, Essenes, Stoics, and Zealots, all needing a hero to rally around.
So they constructed a savior-myth, named him “Jesus” after some itinerant healer, and claimed that he met on a hill top, to be called the “Mount of Transfiguration,” with the long-gone prophet Moses the law-giver who died and was buried, and with the prophet Elijah the spiritual leader who did not die instead was taken to Heaven alive in a fiery chariot. (See: Matthew 17:1-8; Mark 9:2-8; Luke 9:28-35 ) This meeting makes Jesus greater than both of the earlier prophets since he is now vested with the attributes of both a political and a religious leader. So next they made stuff up about how everyone has to believe in the divinity of their character Jesus or else spend eternity in Hell.
Thirteen of the twenty-seven books of the New Testament, or about half, are said to be written by Paul, while four to six of those are thought to be pseudepigraphic. Paul and others are writing all that stuff in order to broaden the appeal of their peace, love, and liberation faith to non-Jewish “gentiles,” yet the problem is that the gentiles want to know about the early life of the mythical savior Jesus. Oops. We forgot to document the mythical Jesus’ early life story, so now we have to go back and make that stuff up sometime between 30 and 60 years after the events supposedly occurred!
To confirm that’s how it happened, Marcus Borg arranges the books of the New Testament in the order in which they were actually written, in his book titled, “Evolution of the Word.” It turns out that seven of Paul’s books were written before the Gospels Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John which provide the story of Jesus’ life, even though in the New Testament the Gospels appear first. Revelation, the last book appearing in the New Testament projecting events in the “End Time,” is actually the fifteenth book written out of the total of twenty-seven. Chronologically, the last book written and included in the New Testament is Second Peter.
Bart Ehrman says on page 23 in “Forged” that “one-third of the New Testament books . . . are books who’s authors never identify themselves,” including Acts, Hebrews, and 1, 2, and 3 John. The four Gospels never identify their authors, so they were later named “Matthew,” “Mark,” “Luke,” and “John.” I don’t suppose it really matters who wrote all that stuff if it is all made up anyway.
People begin writing all kinds of crazy apocryphal and apocalyptic stuff, so you choose the writings you like and claim the rest is heretical, put your choices in something you call the “New Testament,” ban and burn the rest, and soon this rebellious religion takes over that imperial power to become the “universal” religion to which all must profess adherence or die.
And that is how history is written. You need to justify your wealth and power so you just make stuff up that will do the job for you!
Now, 2,000 years into the “Year of our Lord,” we have a global civilization with existential threats to our fat and happy civilization coming fast and furious. Lots of things have and are changing as life for most animals and many humans becomes more difficult.
Most of us are not cold-blooded reptilians unaware of the rising temperatures around us; we can see what is happening and why. People like Riane Eisler point out that the problem slowly began 5,000 years ago with the change from a “partnership culture,” in which there was a balance of feminine and masculine traits in human society, to a “dominator model” in which by dominator-culture injunction men began to rule the lives of women and to “take dominion over the earth,” including wantonly despoiling it. Soon all life was no longer considered sacred as previously women’s spirituality and many indigenous cultures believed, becoming instead a resource for plundering by a conceptual construct we call “monetary economics,” which has now grown to a globally-exploitative system.
Along with the evolution of money arose the dominator religions called the “Abrahamic faiths:” Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. These gradually supplanted the earlier goddess-revering partnership culture, which had affirmed creation as the work of the Goddess. Joseph Campbell says in the book “The Power of Myth” (p. 47) coauthored with Bill Moyers, “We have Sumerian seals from as early as 3,500 B.C. . . . with the goddess giving the fruit of life to a visiting male. The old mythology of the goddess is right there.”
The patriarch Abraham left the city of Ur in Mesopotamia around the year 2,000 B.C. for Canaan, now Palestine, and began a monotheistic religion that has come down to us as the Judeo-Christian tradition, which systematized male dominance through what Riane Eisler calls the “dominator model” in her book, “The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future.” (p. xix)
Eisler explains that it was the Hebrew Levite priests who re-mythed (p. 85) the Garden of Eden story, changing it from the earlier partnership form, where as Merlin Stone writes in her book “When God Was A Woman” that, “According to legends of Sumer and Babylon, women and men had been created simultaneously, in pairs—by the Goddess,” to where in Genesis in the Bible man is created first and woman as an after-thought. This “re-mything” was done partly, if not entirely, in order to be able to keep track of patrilineage. “Re-mything” is a euphemism for “making stuff up.”
Earlier, in the partnership or matriarchal culture, it had been difficult for men to know which boys of the village were their biological sons for inheriting their wealth. As men’s wealth increased, inheritance became the determining cultural issue, and the Jewish solution was to enforce male ownership-and-control of women’s reproduction, to the point of death to women who have sex out of wedlock, while the men of her own family throw the stones or light the fire to burn her at the stake (Leviticus 20:10-14, 21:9; Deuteronomy 22:20-2). Stone writes, “the Levite priests devised the concept of sexual ‘morality’: premarital virginity for WOMEN, marital fidelity for WOMEN, in other words total control over the knowledge of paternity.” (p. 161, emphasis in the original)
The re-mything involved was very extensive, changing everything of the Goddess religions to service of the male God. Merlin Stone, Riane Eisler, and Marija Gimbutas in her book “The Living Goddesses” (p. 112), and other writers go into much detail about how as Eisler writes (p. 89), the changes were “reversals of reality as it had formerly been perceived.”
Recognizing that morality and religion are contrived constructs, according to the values of the culture, Partnership Spirituality affirms that we can today create a religion of our choosing, as people have done in the past. I don’t think that our knowing that religions are simply made up by priests says that we need to be atheists or agnostics, because that ignores the positive role that religion can have in society. Religion is a tool of cultural self-determination, just like government, economics, education, technology, and everything else, and like the rest it needs to serve the people, not oppress us and destroy our environment. We either control our own lives, or leave it to others who will do it for us.
The year 2027 will be roughly the 2,000th anniversary of the beginning of Jesus of Nazareth’s ministry, which he began at his age of 30 years. Whether he was an actual person or not, all sorts of people through the last two millennia have piled all kinds of stuff upon that name to create patriarchal Christianity, particularly Paul. 2027 will be a good opportunity for proclaiming the non-patriarchal, egalitarian religion of Partnership Spirituality.
While many Christians have evolved from the idea of having dominion over the earth to the idea of humans having responsibility for stewarding creation, reverence for the life-giving aspects of nature has always been a primary aspect of women’s spirituality. Traditionally, it has been said that while God is love, the Goddess is wisdom, so by elevating the feminine principle to parity with the masculine in our culture we may best affirm the wisdom of sustainable ecological lifestyles and cultures.
Today we are in transition between the astrological ages of Pisces and of Aquarius, and it is to us to re-myth our cultural foundations and personal beliefs as we choose. I choose to call a reclaimed gender-holistic religion “Partnership Spirituality,” while you may call it whatever you like. You can be engaged or not in the creation of the New Age, helping to make up this partnership religious stuff as you wish. For my part, I have written a tome to be used as a bible for Partnership Spirituality, available on Amazon.com titled: “The Intentioneers’ Bible: Interwoven Stories of the Parallel Cultures of Plenty and Scarcity.” Much of the material in this article is also in that book. May it serve as a foundation for the evolution of Partnership Spirituality.
Borg, Marcus J. (2012). Evolution of the Word: The New Testament in the order the books were written. New York: Harper One.
Campbell, Joseph. (1988). The power of myth: Joseph Campbell with Bill Moyers. New York: Bantam, Doubleday, Dell Publishing Group.
Ehrman, Bart. (2011). Forged: Writing in the name of God—Why the Bible’s authors are not who we think they are. New York: HarperCollins.
Eisler, Riane. (1987). The chalice and the blade: Our history, our future. San Francisco, CA: Harper & Row (1988 edition).
Friedman, Richard E. (1987). Who wrote the Bible? San Francisco, CA: Harper Collins.
Gimbutas, Marija. (1999). The living Goddesses. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Stone, Merlin. (1976). When God was a woman. New York: Harcourt Brace.
In our current era of growing interest in alternatives to the dominant, globalized, market-based culture, often called the “First World,” the School of Intentioneering provides information on the traditions and cultural innovations lived in the parallel culture of the decentralized, time-based economies of the “Fourth World.” Through aiding understanding of the history and development of the Fourth World, the School of Intentioneering supports those living in or interested in the community lifestyle within the competitive culture.
Currently the focus of the School of Intentioneering is upon publishing materials and producing videos for an online course and other presentations to support its mission (above), with opportunities for others to engage in these projects. The School is part of an urban community called the Dry Gulch Ecovillage, supported by rental income from two apartments available periodically to those interested in participating in the work of the School of Intentioneering. Future income is planned from publishing print and video resources, along with speaking and consulting services, for supporting the intentional communities movement, and its local networks of communities. These can then engage with other local, culturally-progressive educational, governmental, religious, business, and other organizations to create a regional “commonwealth,” through projects such as Transition Towns and bioregional organizations. Dry Gulch Ecovillage plans to support commonwealths in both Denver and in the Ozark Mountains of Missouri, planning in the Ozarks a real estate investment cooperative and a community land trust. The various programs of the School of Intentioneering are intended to present and support the many aspects of society and culture which involve lifestyles of gifting and sharing. The following are current projects in development for writing, organizing, speaking, teaching, and fund raising:
If you are interested in living and working with us in Denver, the Ozarks, or elsewhere please contact: 4thWorld(at)consultant.com
2019 will be the year at which Twin Oaks Community (TO) will have had for the first half of its existence a communal childcare system either in practice or intended, based upon a philosophy called “the community child.” The change away from that earlier form of communal childcare to something else came in 1993 during TO’s 26th year.
2019 will be twenty-six years after TO gave up what was then called a “communal childcare program.” This article considers the kind of childcare system that Twin Oaks has been using since the change.
Some people called the new system “collective childcare within a communal society” yet as the years passed and parents and children came and went the tendency has been for people to call the kind of childcare that has been practiced over the past quarter-century at Twin Oaks “communal childcare,” because of course it is happening within a communal society even though it is not what the community called “communal childcare” during its first quarter-century.
People now involved in raising children at TO may not know or care about the community’s ancient history, yet while TO may never go back to its earlier system, other large communal groups may attempt to recreate a similar version of communal childcare out of ignorance of other’s experience with it. In the interest of helping others to avoid reinventing the kind of communal childcare wheel that TO and most other large communal groups have tried and given up (including the Israeli kibbutzim and the American/Canadian Hutterites), and in the interest of documenting what we who have lived or who are currently living communally have learned about communal childcare, it is helpful to understand and to have a way to explain the structure of childcare in use today in egalitarian communalism.
I have given a name to the kind of childcare generally practiced at TO and at related communal societies after the 1993 change at TO, which I call “cofamily.” The “co” prefix can stand for either communal or collective, or for cooperative, or complicated, or complex, or simply community-family. It is not necessary to stipulate an exact meaning because people use different terms in different ways, anyway. What “cofamily” is intended to mean when children are involved is that a small group of adults work together to provide childcare for any given number of children.
There may be more than one cofamily within a communal society, perhaps even one per child, each functioning as at least a semi-autonomous decision-making unit for one or more children within the larger communal society. Each of these childcare groups within the larger community is then what I am calling a “nested cofamily.”
Twin Oaks grants resources of space, money, and labor to member’s childcare as during the community’s first quarter-century, yet no longer does the community claim responsibility for designing and maintaining the childcare processes, since all or most of that is now parental responsibility. This is similar to how the community has given space and occasionally other resources to members who live in the same building, called “Small Living Groups” or “SLGs.” A cofamily may also be an SLG, yet more often the people contributing to the care of any particular child may live in different SLGs.
My preference for the term “cofamily” is due to my application of the term on a larger level as well. I use the term “cofamily” to refer to any small group of unrelated adults, from three to nine, with or without children. Partly to find out how many such cofamilies are in the “Communities Directory” I transcribed both the 1990 and the 2010 Directories into a database and ran some queries (someday I’ll include the 2016 Directory). I found that:
In the 1990 Directory 47% of U.S. listings are cofamilies (3-to-9 adults), comprising 8% of the total reported members of all listed U.S. communities, with the average cofamily having about 6 adults each.
In the 2010 Directory 40% of U.S. listings are cofamilies (3-to-9 adults), comprising 7% of the total reported members of all listed U.S. communities, with the average cofamily in this directory also having about 6 adults each.
Why 3-to-9 adults? A couple reasons, first, psychologically, 7-to-8 people is the natural number of things like ideas and relationships that people can generally keep in mind at once. The military calls such small-groups “squads,” although with different numbers of people for different functions.
Another reason for stipulating the maximum of 9 adults for a cofamily is because once a group gets to ten or more adults they will most likely have developed a design for their community that fits another term like: “cooperative” or “cohousing” or “land trust” or “communal group.” Since cofamilies are forms of intentional community it is simply convenient to use the term to refer to small communities.
The term “cofamily” is also helpful in expanding the ideal of the family beyond the three common forms: the “single-parent family” involving one adult with child(ren); the “nuclear family” involving two adults of whatever gender plus child(ren); and the “extended family” involving three or more related adults with or without children.
An extended family is essentially a form of “circumstantial community” since people are born into it rather than choose it. The “cofamily” is then a group of unrelated adults (although a subset of a cofamily may be related) who deliberately choose to live together, with or without children. This adds a fourth type of “family,” which being different from the three that are commonly understood in the First World dominant culture, represents the small community-family found in the Fourth World alternative culture.
The level of autonomy enjoyed by nested cofamilies within larger communities like Twin Oaks may change over time, just like their composition and cohesion, yet the term is useful when a distinction is desired between the earlier “community child” philosophy and the current “communal childcare” in practice at TO and in other large communal groups.
For the non-monetary, labor-sharing economic system, why use the term “vacation-credit labor system” rather than simply “labor-credit system?” Because Outside-World people do not know or understand what makes Twin Oaks Community (T.O.C.) tick, and I think that it is essential to the egalitarian communal movement itself to help the Outside-World to better understand communalism. People often wonder how it works, and often miss the essential aspect.
By using the term “vacation-credit labor system” the most important aspect is emphasized of “the glue that keeps this community together,” as Mala T.O. once said to a visiting magazine reporter. Emphasizing the vacation aspect helps people to better understand the “secret” to Twin Oaks’ egalitarian culture, or the “silver bullet” which slays the hegemony of the monetary system. And it is not just capitalism that is replaced by labor-sharing economics, yet all monetary and non-monetary exchange systems! (Mala, quoted in Rems, 2003)
One would think that the fact that Twin Oaks has existed for over fifty years as a secular communal society would mean something to people. They might raise an eyebrow to learn of a successful secular communal society in America that has existed over half-a-century, yet I may as well be talking about life on the dark side of the moon for all that most people in the Outside really know about Twin Oaks and what it has discovered about human behavior. That could change if Twin Oaks and non-members, like myself, were more forthcoming about what makes Twin Oaks and similar communal groups successful.
At this point I’ll explain, for those readers who do not know, the most significant aspect of Twin Oaks Community’s economic system. With no use of money or other exchange system internally, something else has to be substituted. Twin Oaks’ brilliant innovation was for the community to agree to set a certain minimum amount of work per week that people have to do to maintain their membership, then as they work over the minimum required hours they accumulate vacation time. Believe it or not, it took 140 years of experimentation with what I call “time-based economies” for someone to come up with that simple idea. This is what I call the “vacation-credit labor system.” Consistently meeting that work minimum or “labor-quota” secures for the individual member equal access to all of the community’s wealth: land, buildings, equipment, food, clothing, education, healthcare, recreation, everything! That is communalism!
Failure to keep community agreements, especially the labor agreements, results in the person losing their membership and having to leave the community. This is communalism’s solution to the “free-rider” problem. As St. Paul says somewhere in the Bible: no-work; no-eat. There is a long history of Christian communalism, yet I’ll spare the reader that story, saying only that religion and charismatic leadership can sustain communalism, while secular, egalitarian communalism needs to substitute something else.
The labor-quota is one of two components of the community’s total labor supply, calculated as: number of members x weekly labor-quota = labor supply for one week’s work that benefits the community. The labor quota is typically between 35 and 45 hours per person per week; yet remember that all domestic services and all other things which the community wants to provide are included, such as: food growing or procuring, preparation and service, laundry, maintenance and construction, income-generating work, accounting and taxes, some or most childcare, and everything else that the community decides to provide for itself.
A member’s access to material assets, resources, services, and other wealth of the community is not dependent upon one’s ability to pay for them (neither monetarily nor by labor-credits), yet simply upon one’s keeping of the agreements kept by all members. Besides the egalitarian or feminist behavior-code, one of the most important of those agreements is to participate in the labor-sharing system, and the most important aspect of that is that when a member works over the weekly minimum labor-quota they earn vacation time to be used to meet the labor-quota later, whether they decide to take a “staycation” at home or travel on vacation.
That’s it! That’s the most important aspect of the glue that holds Twin Oaks together! That vacation provision is a simple thing, yet little things can make a big difference. I liken it to how the simple act of banks making loans to each other is what creates 85% of the money in the economy, called “multiple deposit creation” (printing bills and minting coins is only 15% of the money supply), and like how all of the Internet boils down to whether the electricity is on or off, represented as 1s and 0s. Simple little things can result in very big things, like a small acorn growing into a huge oak tree. So it is that the simple idea of the vacation-credit replaces debt-based monetary economics with time-based communal economics.
In my “Fifty Years of Utopian Intentioneering at Twin Oaks Community” paper (on Facebook and on my blog: http://www.Intentioneers.net) I wrote, “Reporters and academicians come and go and rarely ever understand the significance of Twin Oaks’ vacation-credit labor system.” Now I have discovered a good example of that.
In 1998 a German psychology Ph. D. candidate named Hilke Kuhlmann spent six months visiting Twin Oaks and some other communities inspired by the utopian fiction “Walden Two” written by the Harvard psychologist B. F. Skinner. Kuhlmann published her book about these communities in 2005 titled, “Living Walden Two: B. F. Skinner’s Behaviorist Utopia and Experimental Communities.” In 2005 she was assistant professor in the American Studies program at the University of Frieburg, Germany.
I was recently re-reading parts of Hilke’s book to see what she had to say about the labor-credit system and was amazed to discover, what I had missed before, that she never explains the vacation-earning provisions of Twin Oaks’ labor-credit system presented above!
How could she miss that simple yet brilliant innovation of setting a weekly work-quota that when people work over-quota they earn vacation time? If Hilke did understand that aspect of T.O.’s, E.W.’s and other communities labor systems, she says nothing about it in either her 2005 book nor her summer 1999 article in issue number 103 of “Communities” magazine titled “Walden Two Communities: What Were They All About?” Evidently, Hilke Kuhlmann never did figure out what we were all about!
In chapter 11 titled “The Labor-Credit System” of her book, Hilke writes the following:
“To ‘make quota’ meant to work for however long it would take to accumulate the number of labor credits the communards had decided upon as a weekly minimum.” (Kuhlmann, 2005, p. 108)
First of all, note Kuhlmann’s use of the term “communard.” The behavioral psychologist Deborah Altus refers to this as one example of Kuhlmann’s “pejorative tone,” while Altus’ colleague Edward Morris gives this as one of several examples of what he calls Kuhlmann’s “fascist-sounding … rhetoric.” Personally, I think it sounds more communist, yet either way, while Kuhlmann uses the term correctly it is considered archaic and not used much today, other than in jest or endearment. Some of her tone and word use, however, needs to be forgiven since English is her second language, not her native language. Secondly, and most importantly, while Kuhlmann is technically correct in her quote above, she omits the most important part, which is that by working “over-quota” an individual accumulates vacation time. (Altus, p. 1; Morris, p. 2)
Kuhlmann’s first language is German, so her wording errors may simply be a non-native-English-speaker’s cultural faux-pas. Another language error of hers is her inappropriate use of the term “Virginian” which she uses in phrases like “the Virginian community.” The term refers to a person from Virginia, not a location, town, or anything else in Virginia. I have been making a list of Kuhlmann’s errors. For another thing, she gets Twin Oaks’ tax status totally wrong (p. 110), and commits several other factual errors, which admittedly, only a few readers like myself would ever notice.
Kulhmann’s little omission is extremely important, not only to the natural history of Twin Oaks and other egalitarian communities yet also with regard to communal theory. With the vacation-credit labor system innovation Twin Oaks has solved the problem of Karl Marx’ and Freidrich Engels’ second phase of communism. They had no better idea than Skinner or anyone else as to what a secular communal society would look like. The best that Marx and Engels could come up with was to use Morelly’s Maxim of “from each according to ability; to each according to need.” They set the goal of achieving a non-capitalist economy as an uncertain step to be taken sometime in the distant future, focusing in the interim upon what they explained as the intermediate step in Marxist communism, that of class-conflict for control of the State. And yes, the second stage of Marxist communism is a utopian theory or ideal. (See: “Critique of the Gotha Program” in Tucker, p. 531)
Essentially, Twin Oaks has gotten to where the social reformers like Owen, Fourier, and St. Simon, and the revolutionary advocates like Marx and Engels, as well as anarchists and utopian fiction writers, could only dream about: a truly egalitarian economic system.
To describe communalism from the perspective of the group as opposed to that of the individual, the present author has evolved Morelly’s Maxim to what I am calling “Allen’s Axiom” saying, “from all according to intent; to all according to fairness.”
While the behavioral psychologists Deborah Altus and Edward Morris have their own criticisms of Kuhlmann’s study, I have another to add, which cannot be attributed to language problems. The tone of Kuhlmann’s writing is rather critical and dismissive as she writes:
“Yet a closer look at the inner workings of the community reveals that the community’s claim to have found a viable alternative to capitalism may have to be modified. It seems that the most central—yet often overlooked—factor in sustaining the noncompetitive economic system is the community’s rate of membership turnover, which was as high as 25 percent per year during its first five years. … The appearance of permanence is achieved through the fact that the community is most often discussed as if it were a stable entity rather than a constantly changing body of people.” (Kuhlmann, 2005, p. 122)
Yes, membership turn-over is a fact-of-life in the communitarian movement, less so for communities like cohousing where people have to invest hundreds-of-thousands of dollars to build a house, and more so in communal societies where new members do not have to invest any money at all to join. In Twin Oaks’ first year the average length of membership lasted only a few months, while today the average length of membership is at least eight or nine years. Longevity of the community and the average age of the membership are important factors in the membership turn-over rate, yet this is true in American culture in general. Maybe things are different in Germany, yet in America people move frequently to chase down work opportunities or to simply stay housed in a rental market in which ever-rising rents can cause people to move frequently. In America the “friendly neighborhood” is disappearing to where people do not know their neighbors. This is evidently a problem in Europe as well, since the cohousing community design began in Denmark and is often referred to in America as a form of “intentional neighborhood.” Yet the turnover of personnel is ongoing in every human organization, from for-profit corporations to nonprofit organizations, and from churches to government agencies, and so it is disingenuous to criticize Twin Oaks and other communal societies for also having an ongoing membership turnover rate.
Hilke Kuhlmann repeats her membership-turnover-rate criticism again in the conclusion of her 2005 book saying, “What Twin Oaks appears to have found instead [of a “recipe” for communal success] is a structure that is perfectly suited for utilizing membership turnover …” And in an earlier 2001 book titled “The Philosophy of Utopia” edited by Barbara Goodwin, Kuhlmann contributed an article called “The Illusion of Permanence: Work Motivation and Membership Turnover at Twin Oaks Community,” in which she states almost word-for-word the same criticism she later used in her 2005 book, along with her omission of the vacation-credit system. (Kuhlmann, 2005, p. 168; Kuhlmann, quoted in Goodwin, pp. 158-9)
To add some perspective to the membership turnover rate, I once did a survey via email-list of former members of East Wind Community and found that in general people said that they joined for ideological reasons, like feminism, anti-capitalism, ecological living, etc., and left for personal reasons, like going back to college, taking advantage of travel opportunities, not being able to find an intimate relationship in community, or finding a partner and leaving to start a family outside of community, sometimes to take advantage of offers of support from their biological families contingent upon their leaving community.
While Kuhlmann emphasizes the “illusion of permanence” that the labor-credit system gives to Twin Oaks, which carries on even as members come and go, she points out that it is precisely the turnover of membership which continually brings in new people with their infectious communal idealism. Affirming Mala’s explanation for what keeps Twin Oaks together, Kuhlmann states, “In short, the labour credit system helps to perpetuate the communal status quo.” (Kuhlmann, quoted in Goodwin, pp. 169-70)
Returning to Kuhlmann’s chapter 11 about the labor-credit system, the author writes the words “vacation” and “over-quota” yet only in reference to money and not in the context of how the labor-system works. She states:
“These days, the communards can supplement their monthly allowance nonetheless. There are three ways to do this: to work for wages off the farm in one’s own vacation time, to work ‘overquota’ in Twin Oaks production areas for minimum wage, or to receive money from relatives or friends.” (Kuhlmann, 2005, p. 110)
All of this is true enough, yet her emphasis is upon how members get private money, not what enables the community’s communalism or a person’s right to membership. She mentions above that members get vacation yet does not explain how. I emphasize this quote because it is the only place in Kuhlmann’s book or articles where she uses the word “vacation.” In her “Walden Two Communities” article it is clear that Kuhlmann does not understand the mechanics of the community’s vacation-credit labor system begun just a few months after the community was founded in 1967, since she refers only to the variable-credit system used during the community’s first decade, ending about 1976, saying:
“The main problem encountered by the communards was the impossibility of giving out enough labor credits to make every job equally desirable.” (Kuhlmann, 1999, p. 37)
While this statement was somewhat true back in the 1970s, this minimal wording for the sake of brevity only suggests why the community abandoned the variable-credit system, while ignoring the more important innovation of vacation-credits which predated the use of variable-credits, and which has continued all through the community’s history.
When Kuhlmann talks about Twin Oaks’ and other communities’ labor systems she focuses only upon the important aspect that “one hour of work equals one labor credit,” meaning that all work that benefits the community, whether considered on the Outside to be women’s work or men’s work, is considered equal in value to the community. (Kuhlmann, 2005, pp. 112, 167)
This is where I present the labor-sharing acronyms: LIVE•FREE, standing for “Labor Is Valued Equally • For Realizing Economic Equality,” as in live free of taxation (since the IRS does not tax labor systems); and ALIVE for “All Labor Is Valued Equally,” as in feminism is ALIVE in time-based economies. Valuing all labor equally that supports the community is the common aspect of all time-based labor systems, while not all of them use the vacation-credit innovation.
There is much good information in Hilke Kuhlmann’s book, making it a great resource for research into the Walden Two communities movement, yet while Kuhlmann does explain a good amount about Twin Oaks’ history of experimentation with labor-credit systems, especially giving a good explanation for what “variable-credits” were at Twin Oaks and how the membership decided against differential compensation for different types of labor in favor of One Hour = One Credit, she never mentions the vacation-credit aspect. (Kuhlmann, 2005, pp. 106-10)
This is a critical error on Kuhlmann’s part. Evidently during her six months of field research involving visits, interviews, and study of the relevant literature she never understood, or at least never wrote about, the single most important aspect of egalitarian communalism. Despite her incomplete work Hilke Kuhlmann was awarded a Ph. D., yet if it were me I would have first made her resolve her omission! As an academic observer she evidently never really understood what she was seeing, or perhaps simply forgot to ever mention it, so how could any other interested non-member be expected to understand how egalitarian communalism works, unless someone explains the vacation-credit aspect?
Twin Oaks Community’s time-based, labor-sharing economy represents the first long-term-successful non-monetary economic system of secular utopianism, on the level of what the Rule of Benedict did for Catholic monasticism, assuring a stable communal economy providing for economic equality now for over fifty years, and very few people outside of the communities movement understands it or how important it really is to the ideal and history of people’s search for an egalitarian utopia!
Altus, Deborah. (2006). [Review of the book Living Walden Two: B. F. Skinner’s behaviorist utopia and experimental communities by Hilke Kuhlmann]. Communal Societies.
Kuhlmann, Hilke. (1999 summer). Walden Two Communities: What Were They About? Communities: Journal of Cooperative Living, 103, 35-41.
Kuhlmann, Hilke. (2001). The illusion of permanence: Work motivation and membership turnover at Twin Oaks Community. In Barbara Goodwin (Ed.), The philosophy of utopia (pp. 157-171). Frank Cass Publishers: Ilford, Essex, England.
Kuhlmann, Hilke. (2005). Living Walden Two: B. F. Skinner’s behaviorist utopia and experimental communities. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois.
Rems, Emily. (2003 winter). “Ecovillage people.” BUST magazine. http://thefec.org/about/media/bust-magazine.
Morris, Edward. (n.d.). [Review of the book Living Walden Two: B. F. Skinner’s Behaviorist Utopia and Experimental Communities by Hilke Kuhlmann]. Journal of publication unknown.
Tucker, Robert C. (1978). The Marx-Engels Reader (2nd Ed). New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
A. Allen Butcher · April, 2018 · The School of Intentioneering
East Wind Community (EW) became landed in Ozark County Missouri in 1974 as a sister community to Twin Oaks Community (TO) in Virginia founded in 1967. One of the Twin Oaks cofounders, Kat Kinkade, wanted to start a second community which would intend to grow faster than TO, as at that time Twin Oaks was turning away many prospective members.
Twin Oaks Community celebrated its 50th Anniversary in 2017, and upon that occasion I wrote a paper titled Fifty Years of Utopian Intentioneering at Twin Oaks Community presenting my views on what has been learned from mostly Twin Oaks’ yet also from East Wind’s experiences. Most all of the Twin Oaks material is relevant to East Wind so I recommend that the reader find that paper as well. It is on my blog (URL above) and on my “Fellowship of Intentioneers” Facebook page. As I also talk about East Wind in that paper I will not repeat any (or much) of that material here. For this paper I will expand upon three topics: East Wind Community’s original goal of 750 people, the potential for a future “Tecumseh Commonwealth,” and what we have learned from EW’s experience of children in communal society.
East Wind Community’s Theoretical Goal: 750 People
As presented in the Fifty Years paper, East Wind’s original “theoretical goal” was to grow to 750 members. Forty-four years later the community’s population is about one-tenth of that earlier optimistic goal. When I joined East Wind in 1975 it was because I wanted to support the idea of creating a large alternative society. Instead, for various reasons, East Wind has ended up with an even slower rate-of-growth of its membership than Twin Oaks, which now has about 100 adults.
I remember during my membership at East Wind, which was eight of the community’s first ten years, the time when another member posted on the bulletin board a paper expressing his idea for how East Wind might grow. He was a Native American from Oklahoma, and he wrote about a vision of several different villages like East Wind scattered among East Wind’s Ozark hills. This, of course, was contrary to the vision of many of the people in East Wind’s power structure, or those who were most involved in East Wind’s government, who wanted a large centralized community rather than a decentralized network of small communities. At the time EW was still using B. F. Skinner’s idea of “Planner-Manager” government, presented in his utopian fiction, Walden Two, so the decentralized organizational concept was refused for being contrary to EW’s stated intent.
One of the East Wind Planners (i.e., member of its board-of-directors) wrote a response to the member’s bulletin-board paper explaining that the idea of a decentralized communal society was not acceptable, partly because Twin Oaks was not having a good outcome with its decentralized branch experiment, yet primarily because the “Walden Two” model that East Wind was trying to emulate inspired commitment to the idea of a large, centralized communal society, originally to be 1,000 people (because that is what was suggested by the author of Walden Two) then scaled down by East Wind to 750.
Although I agreed with the member who wrote about a decentralized network of sub-groups, I thought to give our leaders the chance to realize their ideal of a large, centralized communal society. After all, many kibbutzim in Israel had over 1,000 people so it was not unreasonable to think that we could do it as well, even without the cultural uniformity of Jewish culture. Yet while we were thinking that, even then the kibbutzim were starting to give up their communal childcare programs. Some of us were beginning to learn about this, especially Kat who visited kibbutzim in Israel in 1975, and probably at least some of the Jewish members at both Twin Oaks and East Wind.
On my almost annual visits to Twin Oaks I found newsletter and journal issues from the Israeli kibbutz movements in the TO Library, so as I was East Wind’s Library Manager and Network Manager I subscribed to some of those publications for the EW Library. We also had several visitors from the kibbutz, and one woman who grew up in kibbutz joined East Wind. Into the 1980s some of us read in those journals and talked with those kibbutznics about the kibbutz movements giving up their children’s houses as the first step in the privatization of the kibbutzim, and I think that many of us, when we learned what was happening in kibbutz, worried that if we gave up our communal childcare programs that we might find it hard to resist following the kibbutzim down that slippery slope of privatization. I thought at the time that it was our labor-credit systems that would save our egalitarian communities from privatizing, and I wrote about that to the editors of the kibbutz publications, yet no one ever responded. I agree with what Mala Twin Oaks once said to a reporter that, “Our labor credit system is the glue that holds our community together.”
Both TO and EW have now successfully given up communal childcare in favor of parental childcare without further privatization of our communal economies. While that is a success, it is clear that our original ideal of growing to hundreds of members is not being realized. In 2010 East Wind set a “membership ceiling” policy of 73 adults since that was the number of rooms available at the time, which replaced the earlier 750-member goal. (EWC Legislation Policy 11.52, p. 42)
Perhaps the most important reason why East Wind has not grown much in over forty years, not even to parity with Twin Oaks, is because of the issue of the optimum number of people for a more-or-less intimate group. As I wrote in the Fifty Years paper, most sociological, psychological, and anthropological studies of optimum human populations, both of primitive societies and of contemporary intentional communities, indicates that 75 to 150 people is the natural limit. It is this “membership ceiling” that may be the most important reason why the egalitarian communities of Twin Oaks and East Wind have not grown to large sizes, plateauing at around 75 adults at EW and 100 at TO. Another reason that our communities have not grown larger may have to do with children; yet hold that thought for the third section of this paper. Recently I have heard that some at EW are talking about raising their membership ceiling.
It is this experience of TO and EW, confirming the 100-or-so limit for social groups, that justifies the idea of a decentralized network of communities in a local area as opposed to that of one large centralized society.
Other large alternative-culture centers like Damanhur in Italy (founded 1975) organized as a federation, and Auroville in India (founded 1968) organized as neighborhoods, illustrate the necessity or efficacy of the decentralized network. This is what is developing around Twin Oaks now with four or five small communities around the larger group.
The decentralized network is essentially the organizational theory that Murray Bookchin developed through the Institute for Social Ecology, which he called “communalism,” confusingly using the French term for political subdivisions of a city, now called “democratic decentralism” by the Kurdish people who are developing the theory in the Rojava region of northeast Syria. Note that in English the term “communalism” is an economic term for sharing commonly-owned property. It is unfortunate that Bookchin’s use of the term “communalism” is confusing to English speakers, while the Kurds at least translated his idea into English. For my writing and advocacy, I use the term “commonwealth” to refer to a decentralized network of collective (i.e., sharing privately-owned property) and of communal (i.e., sharing commonly-owned property) and of economically-diverse (i.e., mixture of collective and communal) societies in one local area.
The Future Tecumseh Commonwealth
Before I joined East Wind, less than a year-and-a-half after it became landed in the Ozarks, I looked around at the communities movement for the largest, most dynamic countercultural community project to join. There were only a few that were communal and secular, and of those East Wind seemed to be the most likely to grow. I gave up on that idea about East Wind years before I had to leave the community, yet I never gave up looking for another community design that I thought might grow to a large size.
Being concerned about the lack of growth of our communal communities once they get to around a hundred members, I became excited about a new design for community begun by a group in southern Virginia called Abundant Dawn Community (AD, founded 1994). This design was being developed by Velma Kahn, whom I had worked with when we were both members of Twin Oaks Community, and when both of us were on the board-of-directors of the Rocky Mountain Cohousing Association in Colorado.
Velma developed for Abundant Dawn a legal structure involving a state nonprofit organization, which Diana Leafe Christian calls a “non-exempt non-profit” in her 2003 book Creating a Life Together (pp. 185-8), which holds the land and leases sites or lots to individuals or small sub-groups of the community. This decentralized intentional community design is referred to in Diana’s book as a community with subcommunities (p. 197), with the subgroups named at Abundant Dawn “pods” after the term used for groups of dolphins and other sea mammals. Diana uses the term “pod” only in reference to Abundant Dawn (pp. 160-1, 197), while Dancing Rabbit Ecovillage (DR, founded 1993) in northern Missouri uses the same general idea although not the same term for it, using instead “subcommunities.”
Then one day it came to me! I remembered our Native American member’s idea of decentralized villages and it suddenly occurred to me that East Wind could be just one of several communities comprising the local alternative culture. Such a local countercultural community network may or may not develop a formal community-networking structure involving all the separate communities (like in Bookchin’s “communalism” or the Kurds’ “democratic decentralism”), yet in either case the network can be called a “commonwealth.” This term, like many others, is defined in different ways by different people, yet the general dictionary definition is a voluntary association of sovereign entities linked by common objectives and interests.
This idea of founding a new community in Tecumseh, the nearest small “town” having little more than a gas station and a post office (the latter of which was about to be closed due to lack of utilization until East Wind moved in only a mile or so away) is now a long-term goal I am beginning to develop. Actually, my hope is that many new small or large groups may develop around Tecumseh, such that the local area will form a regional network which I am calling the “Tecumseh Commonwealth.”
Typically, where ever one intentional community is founded others will also develop, not necessarily of the same type. Especially where a large communal group exists, collective communities often form near-by, usually comprised in part by members of the communal group who have given up communalism, often in order to start families. Twin Oaks has several such smaller groups in its local Louisa County, some of them collective and some communal (the collective community named “Baker Branch” was not started by TOers yet is now mostly comprised of them), while East Wind has none in its Ozark County of any kind. This presents a great opportunity for myself and others to buy land in Tecumseh and start building different types of communities, which will likely attract former members of East Wind and others who would like to contribute to the building of a local community network in the Ozark Mountains.
There are many good reasons to form small communities in or near Tecumseh and East Wind. For one, there are no or very few building codes in Ozark County, Missouri. For another there is a lot of water in the area. At Tecumseh the North Fork of the White River and the Bryant Creek come together to form the hundred-mile-long reservoir called Norfolk Lake, all of which provide wonderful recreational opportunities. While there is little flat land and lots of rock in the region making agriculture difficult (beef is the primary agricultural commodity in the area), the region is mostly forested with plenty of small local saw mills, and has lots of rock available for building homes and other buildings. Once hemp becomes legal it can be grown on even the poor soil of the Ozarks for use in making the building material “hempcrete.”
The primary drawback of Tecumseh and Ozark County is that there are practically no jobs in the area. Communities concerned about maintaining good local public relations need to bring with them their own businesses for making money, to avoid the problem of transplants taking local jobs from the long-term population of the area. It may be that the lack of jobs in the area is the main reason why there has been to date no satellite communities of East Wind established in Ozark County.
Okay, another reason may very well be ticks and chiggers! The Ozarks is practically semi-tropical in the summer, humid, and populated with flora and fauna of all kinds because the Ozark Plateau is a mixture of plants and animals from the different ecosystems of desert to the southwest, grasslands to the west, deciduous forests of the north and east, and wetlands of the Mississippi Valley to the southeast.
The lack of jobs, along with the poor soil quality and hilly topography, is what keeps land prices low and zoning regulations minimal in the Ozarks. Along with the abundance of water and of building materials in the Ozarks, there is another reason why the Ozarks provide a good environment for a countercultural settlement. For the last couple centuries, the Ozark Mountains have attracted people wanting or needing to escape the dominant culture. People move to the Ozarks to get away from people telling them what to do, so the Ozarks culture is very much one where people want to be left alone, which engenders the cultural practice of leaving your neighbors alone. East Wind has been accepted by the locals largely because members prefer to stay at home enjoying our counterculture, resulting in locals only seeing East Winder’s when we go to town to spend money in their stores!
Ozark County local government has told East Wind that we are the largest “employer” in the county, although of course our members are not employees since all members are owners of the community including its businesses! And when it comes around to election time the candidates for county sheriff and other local public offices sometimes visit East Wind campaigning for votes. I was told by a local once that they know East Winder’s to be nice people, they just wish we would clean up a little better before walking into their stores!
The late 1970s and early 1980s saw an “in-migration” bringing many new people into the Ozark Mountain region from the cities, and the 2020s could easily see a similar in-migration happen, particularly from the West as the Great Plains, the Rocky Mountain region, and the Southwest all continue to get drier. With relatively inexpensive land prices, lots of water, trees, and rocks, Ozark land prices will likely increase in the future, so now is the time to purchase! Also, the highways and bridges into and through the Ozarks have continually been improved over the last forty years, so we can expect that the population and land prices will continually increase.
Not only may there be lots of people from the West looking for land with water in the future, yet there is reason to think that people from the East (and from Texas) may also be moving to the Ozarks. The problem in the East is not so much the lack of water as the lack of affordable land. If coastal cities get to be more difficult places to live, for any number of reasons, rural land in Missouri and elsewhere, especially regions with lax building codes, could get inundated with climate migrants. Better to buy land now than to wait until the rural Ozarks real estate market becomes inflated.
After leaving East Wind I lived four years at Twin Oaks Community in Virginia, and one of the main reasons I left TO is because all the communities of the area share Louisa County with the South Anna Nuclear Power Station, just 15 miles from TO. Some years ago (2008?) a rare East Coast earthquake occurred in Louisa County that rattled TO, the nuke, and the Washington Monument in Washington D.C., just 100 miles to the north. Fortunately, the nuclear power plant sustained no serious damage, yet it remains a liability and a threat to everyone in the region, as there are other risks to nukes than just earthquakes. The association of communities including EW, TO, and the other communal groups around TO and elsewhere, called the Federation of Egalitarian Communities, has many of its communal eggs in the Louisa basket. Tecumseh, Missouri is the main fallback or disaster-relocation contingency plan for Twin Oaks and the other egalitarian communities in Virginia, should any number of potential disasters occur, and while those communities may not actually help purchase land around East Wind, former members like myself certainly can.
Another reason to think about purchasing land around East Wind and Tecumseh is because there is already a regional community land trust in the area. Sweetwater community about 70 miles north of EW, and Hawk Hill about 30 miles north are both part of the Ozark Regional Land Trust (ORLT), and any new community in Tecumseh could request to put its land under ORLT as well. The Trust is actually both a community land trust (CLT) and a land conservation trust (LCT), and some time ago ORLT purchased some land on Bryant Creek upstream from Tecumseh to keep it wild, so purchasing land for a community near that small conservation trust on the Bryant would be a good location.
I think of adapting the Dancing Rabbit Ecovillage’s design of intentional community, involving a community land trust leasing plots of land to pods or neighborhoods, for the design of a new community in Tecumseh. It should be fairly easy to replicate DR in Ozark County as both groups would be in the same state. This may be helpful since DR has a rather complicated structure, explained by Ma’ikwe in her 2017 book, Together Resilient. Ma’ikwe, formerly a member of East Wind, then of Dancing Rabbit, is now living in Wyoming with a new name: “Mayana.” In her book she gives much good information about the community, explaining DR’s community land trust, its “overlapping cooperatives,” its “Exchange Local Money” (ELM) alternative currency, and its many ecological design features. Among the DR pods was “Skyhouse,” which I think lasted 17 years as a communal group, part of the Federation of Egalitarian Communities. To emphasize that the proposed new Tecumseh community is intended to be a mixture of aspects of both Dancing Rabbit and of East Wind, I suggest the name “Dancing Wind.”
The population goal for the proposed Dancing Wind Ecovillage might simply be to equal EW’s adult population, although since I personally would like to see the Dancing Wind community project include a primary school for the youngest children, the population goal for the whole local network would then be whatever is needed to support the school. Developing a school for both community children and for other local children around Tecumseh would be a very good plan, since schools always provide a central focus for encouraging people to work together. An early-learning school will also help secure good public relations for countercultural Tecumseh, although people at East Wind may be of mixed opinion about it. Those who want more children at East Wind will probably like having a Tecumseh school, while those not wanting children at East Wind will probably not want it. Along with an early-learning school for children I would also like to develop my “School of Intentioneering” for adult education about intentional community. These educational programs could become projects of the tax-exempt Ozark Regional Land Trust.
It will be a year or two before I can purchase land near Tecumseh and resume my contribution to the creation of a large alternative culture project in the middle of the Ozark Plateau. I happen to have the good fortune to have purchased real estate in Denver, Colorado, which has recently greatly appreciated in value, thanks largely to legalized marijuana, so my plan is to use what equity I can from this city property to purchase rural Ozarks land around Tecumseh.
At the same time, I want to maintain my city property as a location for community networking here in Denver and the West, and as a stop-over for Federation people and other communitarians traveling through the West. I hope to establish an ongoing connection between the alternative community in Denver and the Ozark communities. A good possibility is that since jobs are scarce in Ozark County yet plentiful in Denver City and County, my Dry Gulch Ecovillage can house Dancing Winders who are willing to spend time in this city to make money to support themselves at the Dancing Wind Ecovillage, similar to how East Wind used to have “outside-work houses” in Springfield and St. Louis during the community’s first two years. In the mean time I will encourage people to purchase land near East Wind, around Tecumseh, Missouri, for the building of a local network of different types of intentional communities, which I am suggesting be called the “Tecumseh Commonwealth.”
Children in Communal Society
One of my goals in life has been to understand not only the dominant culture yet also the alternative culture, and to be able to write and teach what I learn about the differences and the interconnections between the two. In some ways the two are interdependent, which I explain through the concept of “parallel cultures.”
While I used to think that the goal of the alternative culture is more to change the dominant culture than to merely escape it, I have come to see that the more important perspective is that the two actually need each other, like day needs night, spring needs winter, and inhaling needs exhaling. Through both living in community and outside of it, I have come to see many different pieces of this rather involved puzzle, and have worked to connect the dots of information I have found here-and-there to create a coherent picture of it. I am sure that I have not seen the whole story yet in all its detail, yet I have come to some conclusions about the counterculture relevant to East Wind, to the Federation of Egalitarian Communities, to the Fellowship for Intentional Community, and to other communities-movement organizations, which I am teaching through my “School of Intentioneering.”
Like probably everyone else, I have heard of monastic societies that are celibate and have no children. The best known are Catholic monasteries, yet there are many more as well, including Hindu, Buddhist and others. EW, TO, and the other Federation communities are communal like monasteries yet unlike monasteries they are secular and do have children. I used to think that there was no correlation between the two: celibate monasteries and sexually-permissive communalism. Yet now I see that there is a fundamental relationship between the two that helps to explain East Wind’s evolution.
At first it was difficult to see this relationship between celibate monasticism and egalitarian communalism when only looking at Twin Oaks, because that community manages its children and its community agreements concerning them very well. At East Wind, however, the story is very different. Through EW’s experience or evolution we have evidence of a behavioral characteristic, or pattern of human culture, suggesting a basic aspect or rule of human society. I am still working on how best to explain this concept, yet for now I will rely upon B. F. Skinner’s behavioral science to help explain it.
The Harvard psychologist B. F. Skinner proposed the idea that human behavior is a rational science that we can understand and manipulate through technology like all other sciences. However, as far as I know neither he nor anyone else has ever written down what any of those laws of behavioral science might be. I now think that through our experimental communal societies we can begin to see what some of those laws actually are, understand them, explain them, and work with them. One example would be what Henry Hammer often said. Henry is a former member of TO who designed East Wind’s buildings: Sunnyside, Fanshen, Rock Bottom, and the Enterprise box trusses. Henry stated that the built environment may be designed to facilitate the kind of relationships we want to encourage among people. That is a good behaviorist concept. I think that other laws of behavioral science can be drawn from our practice of communal economics with regard to how labor-credits are different from money, yet I will skip that and other possible topics for now to focus upon what East Wind’s experience is teaching us with regard to children in both communal society and in the dominant culture of competition.
Building upon what I wrote in the Fifty Years paper about communal childcare, I think that both of our communities’ experiences of attempting to create communal childcare programs only to see them fail, shows clearly that secular communalism is no more able to maintain communal childcare than is religious communalism. While it is possible that some contemporary religious communal organizations are successfully managing communal childcare programs, like perhaps the Twelve Tribes communities and Padanaram Village, many others like the Hutterites and probably the Bruderhof have given up communal early childcare for family-based early childcare. Many of the Israeli kibbutzim made a similar transition, while some of the new urban kibbutzim in Israel may be experimenting again with communal childcare. (For details and references see the relevant chapters for these communal societies in my 2016 book The Intentioneer’s Bible.)
I think that we have sufficient evidence from our experience to proclaim that adults having children results in the need, not just the preference yet the imperative, of forming family units in order to put the needs of children first. The exception is cases where parents are not able to or simply have no interest in taking care of their children.
Communal childcare becomes problematic when decisions for children are made by a group rather than solely by their parents, especially when some of those parents refuse to respect those community-made decisions or agreements. At that point the unstoppable force of social pressure hits the immovable force of non-compliance-through-principled-dissent, resulting in energy being diverted from harmony to conflict. For this reason, among others, TO and EW gave up communal childcare for what is now considered “collective childcare” in which parents make decisions for their children. Small groups of parents and non-parent care-givers may look like “communal childcare,” yet they are not what we used to call “communal childcare.” To give the parent-directed childcare model a name separate from the community-directed childcare model, I am using in my School of Intentioneering the term “cofamily,” in which the prefix “co” is unspecified as it can mean: cooperative, complex, collective, compound, communal, composite, community, combined, or even complicated family! Such cofamilies can stand alone or be nested within a larger community, whether a land trust, an ecovillage, cohousing, class-harmony, communal society, or other intentional community design.
I now believe that through our experience of children in communal society we have evidence that having children, and the resulting need to put children first, is a large part of the reason why human society has developed the private property system. Groups of people, in any kind of community, simply do not usually make children their highest priority to the degree that their parents and other caregivers do.
We can see this anti-child social dynamic in several ways in communal society, which I call the “anti-child bias of communalism.” First, and probably most commonly, women and men meet in communalism then leave together to have children in the private-property system rather than in communal society, perhaps largely to be close to their families, and the financial support which they would not provide if the couple remained in communal society. Then there are unannounced pregnancies where women quietly leave, with or without their partners, to avoid having to ask the community to support their child. Another way we see communalism’s anti-child tendency is most starkly revealed at East Wind when the community refuses to support its women once they become pregnant. (How many? Only members can search Community Meeting records to find out.) If a pregnant woman wants to stay yet loses her vote in Community Meeting, she is then confronted with the ultimatum to either get an abortion or leave, even if she has to go on welfare alone in an unfamiliar city.
The first pregnant woman to be pushed out of East Wind for getting pregnant without permission from the community was in February, 1976. I was a provisional member at the time so I could not say anything against this decision of the EW Planners if I wanted to stay. This decision was led by Kat Kinkade to delay having children until a childcare facility could be built, as Twin Oaks had done around 1970 (coincidentally, TO and EW both refused children four years prior to the building of their respective childcare buildings). I knew all this at the time and did not agree with this Planner decision as I thought it was self-defeating and unnecessary, while it evidenced a lack of simple human compassion.
The excuse for kicking pregnant women out has been given that East Wind was “poor,” yet later that spring we received around $100,000 from the Pier I hammock business account (thank you Twin Oaks for sharing your labor-intensive craft business!), some of which could have been used to upgrade Re’im, the original farmhouse, for a childcare building as it was soon to be vacated. We were just finishing building Rock Bottom that spring for our new kitchen-dining building, and could have used the vacated Re’im for both food processing and childcare, yet instead used the bedrooms and dining room for storage, and the living room for a “Music Room” as Twin Oaks had done with its original farmhouse, “Llano.” Instead, most of that money was used to build the industrial building called “Enterprise.” Yet the precedent for refusing pregnancies was set, and East Wind has continued to make pregnancy refugees of many of its male and female members ever since, including eight years later in 1983 involving the current author and my partner. Over the decades the Music Room party crowd has gradually grown in strength of numbers to where it may now be the community’s primary anti-child voting-block.
Due to this tendency to refuse to support children while the community continues to increase its income, thanks now to its nutbutter business started by the Planner who earlier wrote the refusal of the Native American member’s proposal, I refer to East Wind as the Federation of Egalitarian Communities’ “party commune,” similar to the fictional Star Trek member of the United Federation of Planets’ “pleasure planet” called “Risa.”
Once East Wind had established a communal childcare program it restricted the number of children it would support, resulting in a small yet steady stream of East Wind pregnancy refugees. Then in a 2011 item of community legislation East Wind decided to submit each new announced pregnancy to a Community Meeting vote as to whether or not the community will financially support that particular woman’s pregnancy, birthing, and childcare. If the pregnant woman failed to win the vote she had to leave or get an abortion. (EWC Legislation Policy 85.0 – Approval for Pregnancy, p. 159)
Decades prior to this Approval for Pregnancy policy (around 1980) East Wind had decided to plan for two new pregnancies per year. As long as the Child Board accepted additional pregnancies above that limit there were no problems, yet if the Child Board did not accept a woman’s unplanned pregnancy then a vote was called in Community Meeting for making the final decision as to whether a particular pregnant woman could stay or would have to leave or get an abortion. Until recently I thought that the 2011 East Wind legislation mandating that all pregnant women had to go through a Community Meeting vote was in order for the community to avoid the criticism that it was telling women to not have children. Simply saying that the community would not financially support a pregnancy was somewhat less appalling and overtly oppressive than throwing pregnant women under the bus. Yet more recently I’ve read through more of my files on East Wind and now have a slightly different perspective.
While during East Wind’s first two decades the goal was to maintain a communal childcare program where the community made all decisions with regard to childcare and education, including diet, immunizations, discipline, toys, etc., and the parents only had input though the various child program committees, all that changed when an EW child died in a car accident due to adult negligence in the mid-1990s. That incident ended EW’s communal childcare program. There is more to that story, which I’ve written in The Intentioneer’s Bible, yet for this paper I’ll carry on to explain that in the decades since that tragedy the community evidently at first became more relaxed about accepting new pregnancies.
From my records it appears that after the tragedy and the end of communal childcare, East Wind first loosened up and accepted most announced pregnancies. Then in 2011 something changed. I noticed that it was a woman who had sponsored the successful policy proposal that all announced pregnancies would be submitted to a vote in Community Meeting, and I had met the woman who had made that proposal, working with her one afternoon during one of my visits to EW. Reading through my files and considering what I knew about this woman, that she is very responsible and much respected by the community, and seeing that a number of items in the community’s Legislation Policies document were sponsored by her, I came to the realization that the automatic vote was most likely imposed upon all announced pregnancies simply in the interest of fairness. This might be obvious, yet I have come to think that this particular woman proposed the automatic-pregnancy-vote because she had responsibly planned her two pregnancies with the Child Board, getting permission to have her children before she got pregnant, while evidently nearly every other woman who became pregnant failed to ask permission first. Clearly the earlier community policy was not working, so the most egalitarian thing to do was to submit every pregnancy to a vote for community acceptance or rejection. Interestingly, just a year after the woman sponsored the automatic-pregnancy-vote policy, she left East Wind with her two children just like most EW parents.
Keep in mind that Twin Oaks Community has no such policy, automatically accepting almost all pregnancies of its members without voting on each separately. Why are the two communities’ pregnancy policies so different? Unlike EW’s implicit child population limit, TO has set an explicit limit on the number of children it will support. This limit is high enough that with membership turnover, in which parents frequently decide to take their children out of the community once they reach school age (another aspect of communalism’s anti-child bias), new births simply take the place of those children leaving. In this way the community avoids the problem of refusing pregnancies. While EW’s population ratio of adults to children has generally been from around 8:1 (that is 8-to-1) to 10:1, at TO the limit is 5:1, or nearly twice as many adults-to-children than at EW. Thus, the whole atmosphere involving children at Twin Oaks is more accepting than at East Wind, since TO has set a more appropriate limit for children than what results from EW’s mandated pregnancy vote. (Note that 5:1 is similar to the adult-child ratio in the outside world.)
Considering the different childcare programs and policies at East Wind and at Twin Oaks, it is easier to see the inherent bias of communalism against children at EW than at TO. Yet clearly, even TO is subject to that bias as it does have a limit to the number of children it will support. As to how much the community will provide for their children’s college education when they choose to leave communal society, Brenda TO has explained to me that parents have to ask the community and, “they may get it and they may not.” To see this limit at TO one only would have to propose increasing the child population limit, or just do a survey at Annual Planning time asking members what limit they prefer for TO’s child population.
Recognizing communalism’s inherent bias against children, I have come to see that such dynamics are partly why, or perhaps in large part why, the dominant culture is characterized by and supports private property. People continually leave communal society to live in competition, because they have come to see that it is in the private property system that parents can best provide for their children, and this dynamic has probably been going on since before money was invented! This may even be an important reason WHY money was invented!
I have seen this justification for and attachment to the private property system in other countercultural dynamics as well. I first saw it at Rainbow Gatherings, which are ostensibly expressions of the gifting culture. People bring their private property to Gatherings to gift to others in the Rainbow Family of Living Light, yet at all large and many small Gatherings there is a Barter Circle or Barter Lane, where people will sit for hours on a spread blanket and offer any manner of things from their private possessions to passers-by for trade, from jewelry, to tools, to clothing, to consumables, with tobacco and especially chocolate taking on the attributes of money through their use as indirect barter commodities. And it is especially children who enjoy bartering, learning how to buy-low-sell-high, and to recognize and practice the law of supply-and-demand, merchandising, and monopoly in wilderness training experiences for market economics at Rainbow Gathering Barter Lanes. Burning Man festivals have the same tendency, showing that whenever people come together to enjoy the gifting culture they invariably want to create private-property barter markets as well. At Burning Man festivals barter is not tolerated and is always broken up, while at Rainbow Gatherings the atmosphere is much more anarchistic, with the existence of Barter Circles forever being a contentious topic.
Recognizing that the dominant culture of private property and of competition engenders its own counterculture of gifting, sharing, and cooperation, and that the counterculture engenders the dominant culture as seen at festivals and in communal society, I have come to see that the two, the dominant culture and the alternative or counterculture, are both dependent upon the other! Both creates the other and justifies its opposite or nemesis by its own nature! Essentially, this reality is diagrammed by the Taoist Taijitu or yin-yang symbol of Eastern religion, and we who create the counterculture need to be aware of this ironic truth of human existence. I believe that the inter-dependency of cooperation in the Fourth World (i.e., locally-based economy) and of competition in the First World (i.e., market-based economy) qualifies as one of those cultural dynamics or behaviorist principles that Skinner postulated as existing, and we now can see this illustrated in our own lives.
Perhaps this realization is not earth shattering. Maybe others have seen this before me. Yet none of us talk about this. Recognizing this truth gives ironic meaning to East Wind’s name, considering that Eastern religious traditions have been telling us this all along, in general terms. Now we know that cooperation and competition are like night and day, male and female, black and white. Both need the other, while neither can completely subsume the other.
East Wind’s development with regard to its childcare program shows us that as in monasticism, children are problematic in communal society. While I formerly thought that our story would be different from the history of monasticism, the similarity is made clear by especially East Wind’s, yet also by Twin Oaks’, policies restricting the number of children the communities will support.
Communalism has an inherent bias against children, the need to provide for which drives parents into private property and competition. There is somewhat of a corollary between this communal-versus-competition dichotomy and the dynamic of children growing up in the city wanting to live in the country, followed by the next generation growing up in the country wanting to move to the city, yet it is more fundamentally instructive of human culture to recognize that the experience of children and parents in society has been an important part of the driving force behind the private property system, through all of recorded human cultural history.
Philosophically, we can see now why both private property and common property exist, and how the two opposites are both essential to human society. This provides justification for the founding of forms of collective communities like land co-ops, and of economically-diverse intentional communities like land trusts, in close proximity to East Wind. People are continually attracted to East Wind to live communally, then invariably they are motivated to leave communalism to live in competition.
I once did a survey of former members of East Wind via email asking, “Why did you join and why did you leave East Wind?” The responses boiled down to the explanations that people generally join for idealistic reasons, like anti-capitalism, then leave for personal reasons, like the desire to have children.
I affirm that East Wind Community will benefit by having collective intentional communities around it that will accept its pregnancy refugees and other members who become disillusioned by the challenges of communalism. For the reasons presented in this paper, most especially with regard to children, I believe that East Wind can be a wonderful component of a larger alternative culture of people practicing gifting and sharing in the beautiful Ozark Mountains. East Wind is a good start on that ideal, yet communalism is only half of the story, with the collective part yet to be built. I invite others who would also like to live in a remote, rural, alternative culture of gifting and sharing to help work for the creation of the future Tecumseh Commonwealth.